Conflict history: DR Congo

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Head of State: President Joseph Kabila (December 2006-)

Head of government: Prime Minister Adolphe Muzito (October 2008-)

From 600s to the 1800s, a large portion of what is now the DRC was part of Kongo Empire, a well developed state with extensive trade networks. In the 1400s, when Portuguese navigators explored the banks of the Zaire River for the first time, the territory of the empire extended from the south-western regions of the DRC to parts of the Republic of Congo, Angola, and Gabon.

In 1884, Belgian King Leopold II began ruling the “Congo Free State” as his personal colony, exploiting vast natural resources through indigenous forced labor. Under international pressure denouncing the brutality of his regime, Leopold transferred control of his property 1908 to the Belgian government, which renamed the country Belgian Congo.

In June 1960, after upsurge of anti-colonial sentiment and first parliamentary elections, Belgium accepted independence of the Congo. Within two weeks, country faced nationwide army mutiny and secessionist movements in Katanga and southern Kasai. Foreign powers fuelled tensions, with Belgium eager to maintain control over copper mines in Katanga and U.S. fearing Congo’s break-up and Soviet inroads in context of Cold War.

New Congolese authorities immediately called on UN to deploy a peacekeeping force to help reestablish state sovereignty. ONUC deployed blue helmets in summer 1960, eventually reaching 20.000 total troops before its total withdrawal June 1964. Meanwhile, power struggle between President Joseph Kasavubu and PM Patrice Lumumba intensified. Fearing that Lumumba would appeal for Soviet support, U.S. and Belgium encouraged Colonel Joseph Desire Mobutu to arrest Lumumba. Escaping the capital Leopoldville (today Kinshasa), Lumumba was eventually captured and assassinated in January 1961 with Belgian complicity.

In November 1965, after reorganising the army and pacifying by force the country with U.S. support, Colonel Joseph Desire Mobutu ousted Kasavubu. and began a thirty-two year rule. Mobutu systematically used country’s mineral wealth to consolidate power, co-opt rivals and enrich himself and his allies through patronage. Western countries, specially U.S, France and Belgium assisted Mobutu’s regime under pretext of blocking expansion of communism in Central Africa.

In 1972, he changed country’s name to Zaire, and his own name to Mobutu Sese Seko. In May 1978, French and Belgium paratroopers were dropped over the mining city of Kolwezi to evacuate 2,500 Europeans threaten by rebels supported by Cuban military advisers. Following end of Cold War, the cessation of international aid and internal pressure to democratise pushed him to reinstate multiparty politics 1991, but Mobutu manipulated agreement to retain power until 1997.

During summer 1994, following the genocide against Tutsi and moderate Hutu in Rwanda, up to 2 million Rwandan Hutu fled the Tutsi rebellion into the DRC and set up refugee camps in the Congolese Kivu provinces. Interahamwe militia member, soldiers of the Forces armées rwandaises (FAR – Rwanda Armed Forces) and civilian officials from Rwandan President Habyarimana’s regime who took part in the 1994 genocide also managed to enter Congo. They settled in the camps intending to regroup and launch attacks against new Tutsi-led regime in Rwanda. In November 1996, a Congolese rebellion under Laurent Kabila’s leadership, backed by Rwanda and Uganda, brutally dismantled these camps, progressed toward Kinshasa and finally ousted Mobutu in May 1997.

War sparked again in August 1998 when Kabila, now president, demanded that all Rwandan military leave the country and moved to purge Tutsi from government. Rwandan and Ugandan troops invaded. Kabila called on Zimbabwe, Angola and Namibia for help. Estimated 5 million people died in ensuing conflicts 1998-2003, mostly from war-related diseases and starvation. Lusaka ceasefire signed July 1999 and UN peacekeeping mission (MONUC) authorised in 2000. Laurent Kabila mysteriously assassinated in January 2001 and replaced by son Joseph. Peace negotiations resulted in Rwandan and Ugandan withdrawal in late 2002, but proxies remained. In December 2002, all Congolese belligerents and political groups signed peace deal in Sun City, South Africa, ushering in transitional government June 2003 in which Joseph Kabila shared power with four vice-presidents.

Yet conflict in the Eastern provinces of the DRC continued. Rebel groups, including foreign militias (the Rwandan Hutu rebellion of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda, FDLR, being the largest), continued to fight for land and resources. Massive violence in north eastern Ituri halted 2003 after three-month French-led emergency mission under EU authority, after UN failed to contain clashes. However, the province continues to suffer from Ugandan based rebel group Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) insurgency from 2005. Kampala threatened to pursue LRA into Congo, while Kinshasa suspected Uganda sought access to resources in east. International Court of Justice 2005 found Ugandan army committed human rights abuses and illegally exploited Congolese natural resources. LRA continues to operate in Orientale Province with attacks in October and December 2008 killing hundreds and displacing thousands of villagers.

Deaths and displacements led UN to describe Eastern Congo as “world’s worst humanitarian crisis” March 2005. Following DRC government request International Criminal Court (ICC) investigate crimes from June 2002 throughout DRC, ICC Prosecutor opened investigation into crimes in Ituri in June 2004. The ICC issued five arrest warrants for DRC leaders and four are now in ICC custody – three militia leaders charged with crimes in Ituri, and opposition MLC leader Jean-Pierre Bemba who was arrested May 2008 for atrocity crimes committed 2002-2003 in neighbouring CAR. Congolese authorities refuses to arrest fifth suspect, CNDP leader Bosco Ntaganda, for fear of derailing current peace process negotiations with CNDP (see below).

New constitution introducing president/prime minister power sharing and two-term presidential limit approved in December 2005 referendum, promulgated 18 February 2006. After delays, national assembly and first-round presidential elections held 30 July 2006. Violent clashes in Kinshasa between Kabila and Bemba supporters when neither gained majority in first-round vote. Kabila took presidency in 29 October second round (58% of vote), and his alliance won majority in national and provincial assemblies. Elections considered by outside observers to be relatively free and fair, ushering in first truly democratic government 40 years. Kabila government faces substantial challenges, including an abusive and ill-disciplined national army (FARDC), an inability to re-establish authority in areas liberated from rebel groups, lack of transparent resource management, corrupt public administration, and lack of infrastructure and basic services.

From November 2006 to December 2007, security further deteriorated in North Kivu, when dissidents under command of General Laurent Nkunda (CNDP, National Congress for the Defence of the People – Nkunda’s Tutsi-led political-military movement, unveiled July 2006) repeatedly clashed with the FARDC.

Signing of Nairobi Agreement November 2007 and Goma “Actes d’Engagement” January 2008 welcomed. Former provided for repatriation of FDLR and latter for ceasefire and voluntary demobilisation of combatants in east, to be implemented through “Amani” peace program. But despite some initial signs of success, serious clashes between CNDP and FARDC continued. September-November 2008 saw major advances by the CNDP against FARDC undermining confidence in national army, while June 2008 brought heavy FDLR attacks on civilian camps in North Kivu.

Regional summit in Nairobi November 2008, involving DRC and Rwanda leaders, pushed for implementation of Goma and Nairobi Agreements. UN report made public December 2008 revealed extent of the clandestine Rwandan support for CNDP, as well as extensive collaboration between FDLR and Congolese military officers. International pressure and political opportunism led Kabila to cut a deal with Rwandan President Paul Kagame, creating an opportunity for a diplomatic normalisation and rapprochement between Rwanda and DRC.

DRC accepted a joint military operation against the FDLR in its main North Kivu stronghold, while Rwanda would undermine support for Nkunda and transfer CNDP leadership to Bosco Ntaganda. In January 2009, Ntaganda agreed to integrate CNDP troops into Congolese national army in exchange for CNDP being given key military and political positions.

Rwandan and FADRC troops launched operation “Umoja Wetu” against FDLR 20 January to 25 February 2009, but ended with scant results. FDLR avoided direct confrontations by dispersing in Kivu forests; only marginally weakened in North Kivu, remained intact in South Kivu. Less than 500 fighters surrendered to MONUC during the first three months of 2009 (MONUC estimated FDLR’s strength to 6,500-7,000 fighters by end of 2008). FDLR regrouped and began new recruitments immediately after Umoja Wetu’s end, and started retaliating against civilians who “collaborated” with operation.

On 2 March 2009 government announced “Kimia II” offensive against FDLR, led by FADRC with MONUC support; led to modest achievements against the Rwandan rebellion, including increasing the disarmament rate of FDLR combatants. Gregoire Ndahimana arrested in North Kivu August 2009; indicted by the International Criminal Tribunal on war crime charges. As a result of the two military offensives, MONUC reported to the UN Security Council that it had demobilized close to 1,400 FDLR combatants during the first eleven months of 2009. On 17 November 2009 German police arrested two top FDLR political leaders, Ignace Murwanashyaka and Deputy Straton Musoni; both were part of the FDLR support network that continues to operate from Europe, North America and some African countries.

Kimia II officially ended 31 December 2009; heavily criticised for causing civilian suffering, failure to neutralise FDLR and delaying long-awaited security sector reform (SSR). MONUC, now numbering 22,000 troops, criticized for failing to protect civilians from human rights violations committed by both FDLR and FARDC. Human Right Watch recorded that 1,400 civilians killed January-September 2009, either by FDLR combatants or rogue FARDC units; 7,500 rapes, 9,000 burned buildings and 900,000 new IDPs reported in North and South Kivu due to the military offensives. FDLR has maintained majority of its combatants and ability to retaliate against civilians. December 2009 UN report concluded that Kimia II had failed to dismantle the organisation’s political and military structures on the ground in eastern DRC.

On 1 January 2010, “Amani Leo” military offensive launched by FARDC with MONUC logistical support, aiming to eradicate FDLR rebels within 3 months. Amani Leo puts strong emphasis civilian protection, joint planning and conditionality of MONUC support linked to FARDC’s respect for human rights.

Kabila during 2006 presidential campaign promised reconstruction of infrastructure and consolidation of democracy, but very little progress made since December 2006. Socio-economic situation has deteriorated in most of the country. Political pluralism has shrunk, with opposition virtually excluded from governorships despite performance in 2006 elections. Brutal police crackdown on political-cultural movement Bundu dia Kongo in Bas-Congo and a string of arbitrary arrests of activists, journalists and parliamentarians March 2009 have jeopardized free expression.

The Congolese Constitution stipulates the implementation of major steps towards decentralisation before May 2010, local election before end of 2011, and first-round presidential elections three months before end of Kabila’s current mandate on 6 December 2011. All institutional reforms and electoral preparations have to a large extent been delayed. Major concerns remain about the smooth implementation of the Congolese democratic roadmap, as agreed during the period of transition by the former belligerents.

Updated February 2010

For further information see Crisis Group reports and briefings on DR Congo. The CrisisWatch database provides a report on monthly conflict developments for DR Congo since September 2003.