A spate of mass killings in Niger’s Tillabery region has raised the spectre of broader civil strife. Most worrying is the ethnic dimension to the crimes. Authorities should move quickly to prioritize civilian protection lest vigilantes take matters into their own hands.
Violence ran high in Diffa region in south east; govt sought to strengthen regional security cooperation, and reported growing food insecurity. In Diffa region in south east, Boko Haram splinter group – Jama’tu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati wal-Jihad (JAS) or Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) – 3 July attacked National Guard post in Gueskérou commune (Diffa department), killing two; 11 militants also killed and eight others captured. Around 50 presumed JAS combatants 4-5 July attacked Blabrine military position in N’Guigmi department, killing six soldiers and wounding 14 more, and losing 17 militants; 18 July abducted 16 people including 11 Chadian Quranic students and five women in N’Guigmi town. In Tillabery region in south west, violence continued along Burkina Faso border, near capital Niamey, where al-Qaeda-affiliated Group for the Support of Islam and Muslims (JNIM) operates. Notably, in Torodi department, govt forces around 7 July killed five suspected JNIM members near Torodi town, while unidentified gunmen around 13 July ambushed joint Nigerien-Burkinabe patrol in same area; patrol repulsed attack, reportedly killing 22 assailants. Amid relative lull in violence in Mali-Niger border area of Tillabery, partly due to dialogue between govt and Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS), suspected ISGS militants 17-18 July reportedly clashed with militiamen near Adabdab village in Banibangou department; at least eight militiamen and three militants killed. Niger and Benin 11 July signed military cooperation agreement with view to enhancing information-sharing and air-intelligence cooperation amid rising security concerns along shared border. PM Ouhoumoudou Mahamadou 7 July said 4.4mn Nigeriens will need food assistance during lean season in June-Sept, as inflation and rising food prices have further exacerbated existing food shortages.
Dans le sud-ouest du Niger, le banditisme armé pourrait renforcer la méfiance entre les communautés et favoriser des insurrections susceptibles d’être exploitées par les jihadistes. Les autorités nigériennes devraient agir pour remédier aux injustices subies par les communautés vivant de l’élevage, initier des dialogues intercommunautaires et mieux encadrer les groupes d’autodéfense embryonnaires.
Since 2013, when it sent troops to Mali, France has led international efforts to root out Islamist militancy from the Sahel. Yet the jihadist threat has grown. Paris and its partners should reorient their military-centred approach toward helping improve governance in the region.
Islamist militants are making further inroads into Tillabery, a region on Niger’s border with Mali. To fend off the threat, Niamey should supplement its counter-insurgency campaign with initiatives aimed at soothing communal tensions along the frontier and starting dialogue with locals in the jihadists’ orbit.
Trafficking – a catch-all term for illicit movement of goods and people – has long sustained livelihoods in northern Niger. But conflicts are emerging due to heightened competition and European pressure to curb migration. Authorities should persevere in managing the extralegal exchange to contain violence.
Au Mali, au Burkina Faso et au Niger, le boom aurifère représente une nouvelle source de financement, voire un terrain de recrutement pour divers groupes armés, y compris jihadistes. Les Etats sahéliens devraient rétablir leur présence aux abords des mines d’or et mieux formaliser l’exploitation aurifère artisanale.
Il faut voir ces attaques [au Niger] comme une forme de punition collective contre ces communautés où une résistance s'organise.
Niger has faced growing insecurity on many of its borders. [It] is one of the major challenges that the upcoming administration will have to face.
The problem, in Niger’s case, is that policies aimed at disrupting trafficking in the north could inadvertently end up fueling instability.
The main fault-line for conflict in the Mali-Niger border has shifted. A year ago, it was drawn between communities. Now it lies between militants loosely fighting under an IS banner and state forces.
Les groupes djihadistes sont passés experts dans l’instrumentalisation des conflits pour mieux s'implanter.
Jihadist groups present since the 2012 crisis in Mali exploited local unrest and the weak presence of the state in northern Mali to launch cross-border attacks against the Nigerien army... Despite direct support from Chadian troops since 2015 and closer collaboration with the Nigerian army, Nigerien forces have been unable to fully secure the border with Nigeria from attacks, including some linked to the Islamic State.
Le Burkina Faso et le Niger se dirigent tous deux vers des élections générales. Rinaldo Depagne et Ibrahim Yahaya Ibrahim décryptent leurs enjeux et insistent sur la nécessité pour leurs vainqueurs de se pencher sur l’insécurité croissante dans les régions rurales, provoquée en grande partie par la présence de groupes jihadistes.
Crisis group's Sahel Senior Analyst Hannah Armstrong and Africa Deputy Program Director Dino Mahtani held a panel moderated by our Director for Africa Regional Advocacy Elissa Jobson, on the renewed spike in jihadist attacks in Niger’s Tillabery region and Niamey’s response to it.
L’analyste Hannah Armstrong regrette que Niamey délaisse le dialogue avec les communautés frontalières de la région de Tillabéri, notamment les nomades peuls.
Originally published in Le Monde
Au Niger, alors que le ramadan va débuter dans la soirée du 23 avril, les tensions autour de la fermeture des mosquées dans le contexte de la pandémie de Covid-19 s’accentuent. Le gouvernement devrait autoriser la réouverture des mosquées en la conditionnant au respect strict des règles sanitaires préconisées par l’OMS.
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