L'OTAN doit renforcer sa présence au Darfour
L'OTAN doit renforcer sa présence au Darfour
Sudan’s Imperilled Transition: Policy Recommendations for the U.S.
Sudan’s Imperilled Transition: Policy Recommendations for the U.S.
Op-Ed / Africa

L'OTAN doit renforcer sa présence au Darfour

A la suite de la nomination, au milieu du mois de juillet, de l'ancien ministre finlandais Pekka Haavisto comme "représentant spécial" de l'Union européenne au Darfour, les Etats-Unis nomment, fin juillet, Roger Winter envoyé spécial au Soudan. Derrière ces mouvements se cachent un face-à-face entre l'Union européenne et l'OTAN pour savoir qui dirigera les opérations de soutien militaire et logistique aux forces de l'Union Africaine (UA) au Darfour.

Et pour cause, l'UA, malgré sa bonne volonté et au vu de la qualité et de la quantité des soutiens qui lui sont actuellement offerts ­ - et promis ­ - ne peut mettre fin à la crise du Darfour. L'UA ne possède pas les moyens requis pour prévenir d'urgence la mort et le massacre de dizaines de milliers de Soudanais dans ce conflit qui dure depuis deux ans.

La situation est devenue telle que toutes les alternatives efficaces et rapides ont été épuisées. Seule l'OTAN semble être en mesure d'épauler l'Union africaine pour mettre fin aux tueries quotidiennes.

Même après la tenue de la conférence d'Addis-Abeba, la Mission de l'Union africaine au Darfour (MUAS) présente deux faiblesses neutralisantes : son mandat et sa taille. L'actuel mandat, comme l'autorise le Conseil de paix et de sécurité de l'UA, se limite à des tâches d'observation et de vérification.

Du fait de sa dilution dans des contraintes politiques, il ne permet que "la protection de civils menacés dans l'environnement immédiat des positions de la MUAS et dans les limites de ses ressources et de ses moyens".

Pour être efficace, le mandat de la MUAS devrait être renforcé pour lui permettre de prendre toutes les mesures nécessaires à la protection des civils. Et, si besoin est, elle devrait pouvoir recourir à des actions actives sans être dépendante de la coopération du régime de Khartoum. Mais la MUAS ne possède pas les capacités humaines et militaires requises.

Sa taille ne lui permet pas de s'interposer efficacement entre les milices janjawids et leurs victimes ni de protéger les civils et les interventions humanitaires vitales pour les 2 millions de réfugiés du Darfour.

A l'origine, la force devait avoir un personnel de 3 300 membres au Darfour ­ - il manque toujours 600 policiers civils à l'appel. Ce chiffre devrait atteindre les 7 700 en septembre. C'est trop peu. La présence d'au moins 12 000 à 15 000 membres est requise dès aujourd'hui pour mener à bien la protection des villages et des femmes contre le viol systématique à l'extérieur des camps, la défense des déplacés au sein même du Soudan contre les rapatriements forcés.

Jusqu'à présent, et dans un effort compréhensible, l'Union africaine et ses partenaires ont été très clairs concernant leur refus d'avoir des troupes occidentales sur le terrain. Cependant, si toutes les autres options échouent, ce qui semble être le cas, l'intervention d'une force multinationale pour remplir le vide, en attendant que l'UA puisse mener à bien sa mission, est urgente. En effet, nous n'avons assisté, de la part des autorités soudanaises, qu'à un simulacre d'efforts pour désarmer les milices.

L'ONU a déjà voté en une année trois résolutions consensuelles sur le Darfour mais sans améliorer la situation. La quatrième résolution, votée le 31 mars 2005, n'a pas réussi à sérieusement intimider le gouvernement soudanais et les milices janjawids qu'il soutient. Le Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU est donc complètement paralysé.

Et pour cause, la Chine, qui importe 10 % de son pétrole du Soudan, a maintes fois menacé d'utiliser son droit de veto contre des résolutions qui sanctionneraient effectivement le gouvernement soudanais. De son côté, la Russie, dont les industries d'armement sont largement dépendantes des exportations, ne cherche pas à froisser le gouvernement client de Khartoum. Finalement, les Américains ne veulent pas tarir leurs sources d'informations dans leur guerre contre Al-Qaida.

Car, il faut le reconnaître, le régime soudanais coopère effectivement avec les Etats-Unis ; preuve en est la dernière visite, sur invitation de la CIA, du chef des services de renseignement soudanais à Washington en avril 2005, celui-là même que le Congrès a inscrit sur la liste des instigateurs des massacres du Darfour.

Quant aux pays arabes, Egypte et Libye en tête, il semble qu'ils cherchent à soutenir toute action qui donnerait du crédit politique au gouvernement soudanais et le renforcerait plutôt que de réellement résoudre la crise dans l'ouest du pays. Plusieurs sommets tenus à Tripoli et au Caire n'ont révélé qu'un semblant d'effort pour trouver une solution.

L'Union européenne ne possède pas encore la capacité de coordination militaire requise en ce qui concerne la planification, la chaîne de contrôle et de commandement ainsi que les moyens logistiques nécessaires pour couvrir un territoire africain aussi vaste que la France.

De plus, il ne semble pas qu'il y ait un pays européen prêt à remplir à lui seul cette mission ; les forces multinationales qui sont actuellement en formation ne sont malheureusement toujours pas assez nombreuses. Cependant, le rôle de l'Europe au Darfour reste primordial. L'entraînement que les pays européens offrent aux forces de l'UA, la logistique et le financement des opérations et des aides sont vitaux. Mais bien que ces actions aient déjà débuté en 2004, elles n'ont pas réussi à mettre un terme à la crise du Darfour.

L'annonce d'une mise en place de trois centres de commandement et de support aérien ne peut être que bénéfique, mais hélas insuffisante.

A l'évidence, l'UE, France en tête, était très réticente face à l'implication de l'OTAN en Afrique. Finalement, les deux organisations se sont mises d'accord, et ce au bénéfice de tous, pour que l'opération soit coordonnée par une cellule militaire basée à Addis-Abeba, en Ethiopie, sous commandement de l'Union africaine.

Cependant, il est important que l'opération de l'OTAN ne serve au Darfour que pour remplir les missions les plus urgentes de protection des civils en attendant que la force de l'Union africaine soit complète et efficace.

L'Organisation atlantique se doit donc d'offrir : soit une aide logistique substantielle à l'UA pour qu'elle puisse augmenter le nombre de ses troupes à plus de 12 000 hommes, et non pas en 2006 mais dans les deux mois ! Soit une force temporaire sur le terrain pour soutenir les troupes de l'UA en attendant que ces dernières soient au complet.

En l'absence d'alternatives efficaces, près de 10 000 personnes meurent chaque mois au Darfour tant en raison des massacres que de leur situation précaire de réfugiés.

Sudan’s Imperilled Transition: Policy Recommendations for the U.S.

In a 1 February 2022 hearing before the U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Crisis Group’s President & CEO Dr. Comfort Ero testified on the escalating situation in Sudan and outlined four main recommendations for the U.S. to help restore the civilian-led transition to democracy.

Good morning/afternoon, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch and distinguished members of the Committee. My name is Dr. Comfort Ero, and I am the President and CEO of the International Crisis Group. Previously I served as the organization’s Africa program director and I have spent my professional and academic career focusing on peace and security issues in Africa. The International Crisis Group is a global organisation committed to the prevention, mitigation and resolution of deadly conflict. We cover over 50 conflict situations around the world and our presence in Sudan dates back more than two decades.[fn]Crisis Group Africa Report N°281, Safeguarding Sudan’s Revolution, 21 October 2019; Jonas Horner, “After the Coup, Restoring Sudan’s Transition”, Crisis Group Commentary, 5 November 2021; Crisis Group Africa Briefing N°168, The Rebels Come to Khartoum: How to Implement Sudan’s New Peace Agreement, 23 February 2021.Hide Footnote

I very much appreciate the opportunity to speak to you about the deteriorating situation in Sudan today. The country is at a dangerous crossroads. Not for the first time in its history, the military has turned its back on the demands of the Sudanese people for more just and representative rule by violently seizing power. The coup on October 25 brought a sudden halt to a civilian-military coalition that since 2019 has been charged with steering Sudan toward elections and full civilian rule.[fn]Crisis Group Report, Safeguarding Sudan’s Revolution, op. cit.; Horner, “After the Coup, Restoring Sudan’s Transition”, op.cit. It was a major reversal in a transition that had brought hope to so many in the Horn of Africa and beyond. I will share with you my analysis of the current situation in Sudan and recommendations for steps the United States might take to help guide it back on the path toward greater democracy and stability.

Background

By way of background, the transition that was interrupted on October 25 followed 30 years of rule by the notorious strongman Omar al-Bashir.

  • After coming to office in a coup in June 1989, Bashir maintained his hold on power by repressing political opposition, fighting costly counter-insurgencies in the country’s peripheries and underwriting his factious security sector with patronage-driven expenditure that ate up, by some estimates, 70 per cent of the national budget.[fn]Shortly after taking office, Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok, who was mandated to lead the civilian-military transition in August 2019, listed as an ambition driving down military expenditure to 20 per cent of the national budget. He said in some years, that budget line had stood at 80 per cent. “Sudan PM seeks to end the country’s pariah status”, AP, 25 August 2019.Hide Footnote
     
  • The patronage system that Bashir built eventually bankrupted the country and contributed to the strongman’s ouster. A small cabal of favoured cronies including Bashir’s Islamist allies from the National Congress Party, senior military officers (many of them drawn from the tiny riverine elite that has dominated Sudan’s military and politics for decades) and newly minted allies such as the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which was blamed for some of the worst violence in the western region of Darfur, benefited substantially from Sudan’s rigged, lopsided economy.[fn]“Who are Sudan’s RSF and their Commander Hemeti?”, Al Jazeera, 6 June 2019.Hide Footnote These same actors continue to try to preserve their privileges atop Sudan’s political, economic and security establishment.
     
  • Popular frustration over political repression, rising prices and a sclerotic economy that could not absorb Sudan’s ranks of unemployed youths helped trigger the protests that eventually drove Bashir from power. The uprising began in the south-eastern towns of Damazin and Sennar, where crowds took to the streets on 13 December 2018 in response to a tripling of bread prices. By the time the protests reached Atbara, the historic bastion of unionism in Sudan, demonstrators were demanding regime change. Against long odds and despite heavy repression, the protesters eventually overwhelmed the security forces, who staged a palace coup against Bashir on 11 April 2019.  
     
  • The military tried to maintain the upper hand but was forced under pressure both from the protest movement and external actors to compromise and accept to share power with civilians. International revulsion over a 3 June 2019 massacre of protesters encamped outside the military headquarters was particularly important in forcing the generals to cede to the will of the Sudanese people.[fn]“Sudan commemorates the June 3 Massacre”, Dabanga Sudan, 3 June 2021.Hide Footnote Under the terms of a 17 August Constitutional Declaration, the country would be governed by a hybrid civilian-military coalition for 39 months leading up to elections.
     
  • The task before that coalition was enormous. The new cabinet headed by the technocrat and diplomat Abdalla Hamdok was charged with breathing new life into Sudan’s anaemic economy, reforming political institutions to lay the ground for elections and delivering justice to the many Sudanese victims of atrocities during Bashir’s rule – and in the weeks following his fall. Despite the formidable obstacles the authorities faced, that coalition represented the country’s best hope for emerging into a stable, prosperous and democratic future and was a source of hope for those supporting democratic renewal in other countries in the region.
     
  • Always reluctant participants in the alliance, the generals barely disguised their opposition to the Hamdok administration’s reforms and were particularly opposed to efforts to deliver justice and to reshape the country’s economy. In defiance of the United States government and others who warned them against doing so, they seized power and ousted the civilians.

The October 25 Coup and Its Aftermath

Today, unfortunately, the picture looks grim. The military violently applied the brakes on the transition in the early hours of October 25 when they placed Hamdok under house arrest, rounded up numerous other civilian officials in the administration, declared a state of emergency and dissolved key institutions including the cabinet. Since then, Sudan’s military chief General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan has taken a series of steps to reverse the reforms the civilian-led administration had rolled out, including by disbanding a committee charged with reclaiming public assets, by packing the Sovereign Council, which serves as the country’s executive, with his allies and by appointing Bashir-era figures into key posts including in the judiciary and security forces.[fn]Crisis Group EU Watch List 2022, 27 January 2022.Hide Footnote The military attempted some window dressing when it reinstated Hamdok on 21 November, a move Sudanese protesters rightly dismissed as an effort to legitimise their power grab. Some efforts to stimulate talks among Sudanese actors to find a way out of the crisis continue although the prospects of a resolution appear dim.

[Sudan] has been on a downhill trajectory since the coup.

Overall, the country has been on a downhill trajectory since the coup. On 2 January, Hamdok resigned in frustration after failing to persuade the generals to stick to their commitments under the August 2019 constitutional charter, and in particular to give him a free hand to appoint a new cabinet. In the meantime, the public’s frustration has been growing. For the past few weeks, Sudanese people across the country have taken to the streets to signal their revulsion at the military’s power grab. The general’s response to the protests has come right out of the Bashir playbook. The security forces have repeatedly fired into crowds, killing dozens, according to human rights groups and the UN.[fn]“Bachelet condemns killings of peaceful protesters in Sudan”, UN, 18 November 2021.Hide Footnote A late December decree by military chief Abdel-Fattah al-Burhan gave the police effective immunity for their actions. Still, the Sudanese people continue to risk their lives by staging protests, work boycotts and other strike actions.

While it is not yet clear who will come out on top in this contest between the security forces and the street, there is evidence to suggest that the generals have gravely miscalculated the strength of their hand. This is a different Sudan from the one in which the army captured control of the state at least five times in the past, including in 1989 when Bashir took office.[fn]"A history of Sudan coups”, Statista, 25 October 2021.Hide Footnote Sudan has one of the youngest populations in the world.[fn]“After the Uprising: Including Sudanese Youth”, Chr. Michelsen Institute, 2020.Hide Footnote Six in ten Sudanese are aged between fifteen and 30 – and the current generation rejects the notion that the country should go back to being governed by an unaccountable, out-of-touch elite.[fn]Sudan’s Political Impasse”, The Horn (Crisis Group podcast), 26 January 2022.Hide Footnote This mobilised, youthful population showed its power at the end of 2018 when it rose up in protest at Bashir’s repressive, kleptocratic rule. The protest movement captured the imagination of pro-democracy campaigners well beyond Sudan with its diversity, with the prominent role that women played – sometimes outnumbering men in demonstrations – with its tenacity, and ultimately with its success. Against what many viewed as tall odds, it brought a halt to Bashir’s rule. Since the coup, this movement has again shown its strength by mobilising millions of Sudanese to take to the streets and send a clear signal to the generals that they will not, as past generations of officers did, get away with imposing their will on the Sudanese people.[fn]“Deaths Reported in Sudan as ‘March of Millions’ Demands Restoration of Civilian Rule”, Voice of America, 30 October 2021.Hide Footnote

Getting the transition back on track would serve both the people of Sudan’s democratic aspirations and the interests of the United States.

Getting the transition back on track would serve both the people of Sudan’s democratic aspirations and the interests of the United States and other regional and international actors in the strategically important Horn of Africa – where Sudan sits between major regional powers Ethiopia and Egypt and shares a border with seven countries, several in the throes of conflict themselves. Support for Sudan’s transition would comport with the U.S. government’s stated commitment to champion democratic values and to “demonstrate that democracies can deliver by improving the lives of their own people”[fn]“President Biden to Convene Leaders’ Summit for Democracy”, White House, 11 August 2021.Hide Footnote . It would also be the surest pathway to medium- and long-term stability in the country.

Recommendations

The United States is one of Sudan’s most important external partners. It provides about half a billion dollars in assistance annually and was a champion of efforts to reconnect Sudan’s economy with international financial institutions. Given these ties and the United States government’s relations with all the main regional actors, the U.S. is well positioned to support efforts to reverse the military’s power grab and set Sudan back on a path toward elections and representative government. Specifically, it could:

  • Press the generals to immediately halt violence against protesters and coordinate targeted sanctions to hold them to account: As outlined, Sudan’s security forces have responded to peaceful protests by indiscriminately shooting into crowds and sometimes reportedly even pursuing fleeing and wounded demonstrators into hospitals.[fn]“Sudanese security forces ‘hunt down’ injured protesters in hospital”, France 24, 25 January 2022.Hide Footnote This pattern of behaviour, on top of its grave human cost, threatens to poison relations between the parties and render a resolution even further beyond reach. In coordination with partners including the African Union (AU) and the European Union, the United States should make clear that the generals will face consequences including asset freezes and travel bans if they continue to kill unarmed demonstrators. The White House should simultaneously convene an interagency process to design a targeted sanctions programs aimed at key figures in the military and outline that it is willing to deploy these against individuals that continue to sanction the killing of protesters or obstruct progress toward elections more broadly.
     
  • Support Sudanese-led efforts to rerail the transition: The United States has already signalled its backing for efforts to stimulate negotiations among the generals and civilian groups including the Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC), the coalition that spearheaded the protest movement and neighbourhood resistance committees, which play an integral role in the day-to-day organisation of protests and have proved a particularly effective channel of resistance to the military coup. The United States should warn the generals against taking precipitous measures that could derail these potential talks, including refraining from unilaterally appointing a new prime minister. It should further insist that these talks are maximally inclusive and in particular that they should take on board the views of the resistance committees. The 2019 power-sharing agreement should be the blueprint for a compromise that could restore civilian-military governance and lead to elections.
     
  • Withhold financial assistance until the military reverses its coup: In the immediate aftermath of the military takeover, the United states suspended $700 million in assistance to Sudan. This was the right step given the generals’ brazen decision to terminate the power-sharing agreement. The United States should make clear to the generals that this support will not resume unless they accept to return to the path toward elections laid out in the 2019 power-sharing agreement. In the meantime, the United States should advance with efforts to repurpose some of its support to civil society groups and also to work with partners including the UN to offer direct assistance to Sudan’s long-suffering people.
     
  • Urge all regional actors to back a return to a civilian-led dispensation: Many on the Sudanese street perceive some external actors, namely Egypt, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, as tacitly backing military rule.[fn]Sudan’s Political Impasse”, op. cit.Hide Footnote Such perceptions will ultimately be damaging to those countries’ standing in Sudan if it is able to reinvigorate its transitional process. But it is still possible for these key regional actors to play an important role in helping Sudan return to a civilian-led transitional process, thereby protecting their relations with the Sudanese people. Given his strong background in regional diplomacy, Special Envoy Satterfield should be well positioned to engage these actors and urge them to use their privileged relations with Sudan’s generals to convey to them that the power-sharing agreement they torpedoed remains Sudan’s best and perhaps only chance for stability, a goal they all profess to share. With the welcome appointment of a new ambassador to Khartoum, the United States could play a key role in marshalling a coalition of actors within and outside Sudan that can help steer the country back toward the path to elections.


Sudan is at a historic hinge-point. The military’s power grab has derailed a transition that was an inspiration well beyond Sudan, and still could be, if the generals step back and allow Sudan’s civilians to steer the country to elections. With a piling set of challenges – not least an economy in deep distress, resurging violence in Darfur and elsewhere, and a tottering peace deal with armed groups – the generals can hardly afford to stonewall the Sudanese people’s demands for change. The world – and the United States – should stand with Sudan’s people in their quest for a more democratic and accountable government, an outcome that represents the country’s best hope for achieving long-run political, social and economic stability.

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