Post-quake Haiti: Security Depends on Resettlement and Development
Post-quake Haiti: Security Depends on Resettlement and Development
Table of Contents
  1. Overview

Post-quake Haiti: Security Depends on Resettlement and Development

A year and a half after a deadly earthquake devastated its capital, 650,000 victims still wait for permanent housing in more than 1,000 unstable emergency camps across Haiti as a new hurricane season arrives.

I. Overview

A year and a half after the Western Hemisphere’s deadliest earthquake devastated Haiti, 650,000 victims still wait for permanent housing in more than 1,000 unstable emergency camps dotting Port-au-Prince. The first storms of the 2011 hurricane season have flooded 30 camps, forcing tent dwellers to flee and killing 28 persons nationally. Michel Martelly, who replaced René Préval as president on 14 May, faces an immediate crisis in the growing frustrations of the victims in the camps and those with near identical unmet basic needs who remain in the urban slums. Forced evictions, some violent, along with the reappearance of criminal gangs in those camps and slums, add to the volatile mix. Adopting, communicating and setting in motion a comprehensive resettlement strategy, with full input from the victims and local communities, is the first critical reconstruction challenge he must meet in order to restore stability. It will also test the capacity for common international action beyond emergency relief after a year of disturbing divisions within the UN country team and among donors over resettlement strategy.

Related Content

Following a gruelling election, Haiti must turn to the priority of national reconstruction: resettling quake victims, removing rubble and rebuilding neighbourhoods. The 2010 disaster killed over 250,000 and forced an estimated 1.5 million into camps, while the absence of a uniform resettlement policy has stymied promised progress on decentralisation, economic renewal and reducing overcrowded urban communities’ vulnerability. Neighbourhoods victimised by decades of anarchic construction and weak to non-existent land titles and zoning remain highly vulnerable to natural disaster. Evictions – without due process or tenable housing alternatives – have forced massive unplanned returns, including to Port-au-Prince slums where tents and shacks have been set up on or near old residences and new, spontaneous camps created. Close to half the displaced have remained in the original camps, with no clear understanding of the future and rising unhappiness at increased violence. Responding to those vulnerable tent camps is a core reconstruction challenge, with serious implications for peace, stability and security.

All political actors need to make housing alternatives safer and more sustainable in Port-au-Prince and adjoining quake-hit areas. That requires a decentralised national reconstruction program such as is enshrined in the government’s Action Plan for National Recovery and Development (PARDN) and was endorsed at the March 2010 donors conference. Beyond a planned but not yet built industrial park in Cap Haïtien, however, there are few signs that Haiti is building back better since donors pledged to contribute more than $5.7 billion over eighteen months and $10 billion over ten years to finance recovery. To manage this effort, Haiti and donors negotiated an Interim Haitian Recovery Commission (IHRC) as a hybrid body to speed approval of projects and coordinate efforts. It has enabled donors and government officials to exchange plans, but decision-making and donor disbursement have been mostly slow, particularly outside the capital. Many refugees have returned to Port-au-Prince exacerbating problems in the capital’s poor neighbourhoods, where the bulk of those living in tent cities ultimately must resettle.

  • If reconstruction is to right the many imbalances that have made Haiti poor and prone to disasters, violence and conflict, it is paramount that the Martelly government set out a resettlement policy rapidly that engages the victims and is less about closing the camps, more about building stable, less violent communities and not only in the capital. The pilot plan for closing six camps and resettling their residents his administration has put forward is an important first step that deserves support, but the most vulnerable camps should be added to it quickly. To move resettlement forward in a more sustainable fashion, the government and international community must then:
  • design, develop and implement a comprehensive strategy that includes a moratorium on evictions and time-bound agreements with camp site owners; addresses livelihoods; promotes housing reconstruction based on improved practices; and integrates rubble removal with return of the displaced, while providing services in both old and new communities, in parallel with clear decisions and policies on land tenure and access;
  • propose legislation to establish a national housing authority and in the interim establish immediately, by decree, a one-stop shop for planning, coordinating and implementing the new policy through a strengthened secretariat of the Inter-ministerial Committee for Territorial Development (CIAT) under the prime minister;
  • enhance security in the neighbourhoods to which the displaced return by providing proximity policing through inclusion of the Haitian National Police (HNP) in resettlement programs, supported by the UN police (UNPOL), while working to deploy community policing as soon as that is feasible;
  • decentralise resettlement to give it and reconstruction a more grassroots approach by strengthening the human, financial and material resources of the municipalities;
  • speed up investment plans in the eight major port cities and surrounding agricultural areas, in order to generate employment and stem the flow of rural migrants to Port-au-Prince;
  • begin immediately planning the IHRC transition, if necessary by extending its mandate for six months beyond the October 2011 sunset date, to avoid gaps and delays in funding and project execution;
  • bridge the gap between IHRC work and the government’s by putting key ministers on the IHRC board and modifying its procedures to stimulate more rapid project approval and broader communication of decisions, particularly to the displaced population;
  • provide at once new donor funds or re-program existing funding to support resettlement of the first six camps and add other camps progressively, particularly those most vulnerable to flooding; and
  • create mechanisms urgently to make land tenure more secure and improve land registries.


Port-au-Prince/Brussels, 28 June 2011

Haiti's Displaced

A year and a half after the 2010 earthquake, hundreds of thousands continue to subsist in Haiti's displaced persons camps, where they remain vulnerable both to rising crime rates and to the 2011 storm season. Mark Schneider, Crisis Group's Senior Vice President and Special Adviser on Latin America, looks at why the greatest challenge facing Haiti's new president, Michel Martelly, may be resettling the country's displaced. 

In this podcast, Mark Schneider looks at why the greatest challenge facing Haiti's new president, Michel Martelly, may be resettling the country's displaced.  CRISIS GROUP

You can find below a transcript of this podcast.

Welcome to this podcast from the International Crisis Group. I'm Kimberly Abbott, Communications Director for North America. A year and a half ago, Haiti was hit with the Western Hemisphere's deadliest earthquake. Over 250,000 people died, and an estimated 1.5 million were forced from their homes. Today, 650,000 victims are still waiting for permanent housing in the unstable emergency camps around Port-au-Prince. In the camps, forced evictions and the resurgence of criminal gangs have put pressure on the new Haitian president, Michel Martelly, as he faces the challenge of setting up a comprehensive and sustainable resettlement strategy. I spoke earlier with Mark Schneider, Crisis Group's Senior Vice President and Special Advisor on Latin America, about the challenges of resettlement in post-earthquake Haiti. Crisis Group has a new briefing on the subject.

As the hurricane season begins, what are the most pressing issues for Haiti's new president?

I think that the most pressing issue is to find ways to move 650,000 earthquake victims who remain in tents all across the country, but mainly in Port-au-Prince, from those most vulnerable camps into more secure housing. You've already had 28 people die as a result of the first storms and 30 camps had to be evacuated, and those people were moved into emergency camps. There needs to be a national resettlement policy adopted by the government and funded by the international community.

That's been the most pressing issue now for a year and a half since the earthquake. Why has it taken so long? With all of the international aid that's pouring into the country, why aren't people being resettled?

I think that both the government of Haiti under former President Preval and the international community bear responsibility for the failure to come together to adopt a single, combined, fully endorsed national resettlement strategy. The reality is that internal debates within the United Nations community and internal debates among the various donors failed to produce a single, uniform international proposal to the government of Haiti. At the same time, it's clear that the government of Haiti was unwilling to make some of the key decisions about where new land was going to be provided, about whether they felt the initial answer needed to be to provide the victims of the earthquake with repaired homes, with the opportunity to rebuild some of the homes that had been damaged, or whether they were going to try and essentially rebuild the communities, including the houses of those who had suffered from the earthquake.

Has President Martelly inherited those same political sticking points? We saw just last week that his choice for prime minister was rejected. What are the political risks that he's facing in moving forward with this reconstruction now?

Unfortunately, the political risks are the failure of political leadership in Haiti across the board to recognize that this is a moment of truth for the country, and that therefore the partisan political divisions needed to be put into the background and the national interest of Haiti in reconstruction needed to be the primary priority. Unfortunately, he faces the same kinds of divisions, as we've seen in the rejection of his prime minister designee. He has to decide that this is the most urgent priority for his administration, and put everything else to one side until he gets agreement on a plan to move forward on resettling the internally displaced from those camps to decent housing. It's not going to happen overnight. But what needs to happen is for both sides—that is the government and the international community—to agree on a strategy, to announce that strategy, to ensure that  people understand that it's going to be implemented, and at some point the individual families will receive the benefits of those programs.

So that's the first step. What, then, does the UN need to do and what do donors need to do?

I think that the donors and the United Nations need to agree that President Martelly's task force proposal to take the first six camps and to move the displaced from those camps to temporary, and ultimately permanent, housing represents a significant decision, and they should support it.

There have been a lot of reports about violence in the camps increasing in recent months. How will President Martelly tackle this problem, and how does that play into the wider plan for reconstruction and permanent housing?

That really is one of the fundamental reasons why this is so urgent. There has been an increase in violence in the camps, and some of the gangs who escaped from prison have put down new roots into those camps and are intimidating people and to some degree, as we've heard, increasing violence against women in those camps. President Martelly has recognized that, and that's one of the reasons that he's made a priority of resettling the people from the camps. The United Nations police and the Haitian National Police need to increase their presence in the camps while those camps are still being maintained, and at the same time increase their presence in the communities where the people will be resettled so that there's a greater degree of security when they return to those neighborhoods.

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