Statement / Africa 23 June 2005 Zimbabwe: Statement on Forced Evictions Share Facebook Twitter Email Linkedin Whatsapp Save Print Noting with grave concern the deepening humanitarian and human rights crisis in Zimbabwe, the International Crisis Group and more than 200 African and international human rights and civic groups have come together to call on the African Union and the United Nations to take action: Over the past four weeks the Government of Zimbabwe has orchestrated the widespread forced eviction of tens of thousands of informal traders and families living in informal settlements. During these forced evictions homes have been burnt and property destroyed. Many individuals have been arbitrarily arrested, detained, fined, abducted and/or beaten. Such actions continue unabated, and with impunity. Tens of thousands of people are now living in the open - during winter - without access to adequate shelter, food or clean water. No care has been shown for these people, many of whom are vulnerable. Thousands of children, the elderly and the ill face the prospect of disease and in some cases death from hunger, exposure and drinking unsafe water. Some of the most vulnerable are dying already. The complete and wholesale destruction of people’s homes and livelihoods -- conservatively estimated to have affected at least 300,000 people so far -- constitutes a grave violation of international human rights law, and a disturbing affront to human dignity. There can be no justification for the Government of Zimbabwe’s action which has been carried out without prior notice, due process of the law or assurance of adequate alternative accommodation. We condemn it in the strongest terms. The African Union (AU) and the relevant bodies of the United Nations (UN), including the High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Security Council and the Secretary-General, cannot fail to act in the face of such gross and widespread human rights violations and appalling human misery. We urge the Chair of the AU and all member states to address the situation in Zimbabwe as an urgent matter at the forthcoming AU Assembly in Libya from 4 to 5 July. Similarly, the UN must act on the serious concerns raised by the UN Special Rapporteur on Adequate Housing in respect of the ongoing and massive violations of human rights in Zimbabwe. We welcome the appointment by the UN Secretary-General of Anna Kajumulo Tibaijuka, the Executive Director of UN-HABITAT, as the Special Envoy for Human Settlement Issues in Zimbabwe. We strongly urge the UN to ensure there is no delay in either her visit to Zimbabwe or the publication of her findings. Furthermore, in light of the scale of the humanitarian crisis and the fact that forced evictions continue, the UN must call for an end to these violations and for humanitarian assistance to be provided to all those affected. We urge all member states of the AU and UN to ensure that the relevant bodies of the two organizations: Take immediate and effective action -- consistent with their mandates -- to ensure an end to the mass forced evictions and destruction of livelihoods in Zimbabwe, including by publicly condemning these violations and calling for their immediate end. Call for the Government of Zimbabwe to ensure that all those who are currently homeless as a result of the mass forced evictions have immediate access to emergency relief. Call for the Government of Zimbabwe to respect the right to an effective remedy for all victims including access to justice, and appropriate reparations which can involve restitution, rehabilitation, compensation, satisfaction and guarantees of non-repetition. Supporting Organisations Angola Development Workshop, Angola Media Institute for Southern Africa, Angola SOS Habitat Botswana Amnesty International, Botswana Ditshwanelo (The Botswana Centre for Human Rights) Media Institute for Southern Africa, Botswana Burkina Faso Fondation Aimé Nikiema pour les Droits de l'Homme Mouvement Bukinabè des Droits de l'Homme et des Peuples (MBDHP) Union Interafricaine des Droits de l'Homme Cameroon Absolute Dispute Resolution Human Rights Education Centre Egypt Egyptian Centre for Housing Rights Gambia African Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies Ghana Centre for Democratic Development (CDD) Centre for Public Interest Law Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (Africa Office) Media Foundation for West Africa, Ghana People's Dialogue for Human Settlements Third World Network Africa (TWN) Kenya Amnesty International, Kenya Basic Rights Catholic Diocese of Kitale, Kenya Chemichemi ya Ukweli Coalition on Violence Against Women - Kenya (COVAW-K) Hakijamii Trust Illishie Trust Kenya Human Rights Commission Kenya National Commission on Human Rights Kisumu Urban Apostolate Programes – Pandipieri, Kenya Kituo Cha Sheria Shelter Forum Trocaire Umande Trust Lesotho Media Institute for Southern Africa, Lesotho Liberia Amnesty International, Liberia Centre for Democratic Empowerment (CEDE) Malawi Centre for Human Rights and Rehabilitation (CHRR) Institute for Policy Interaction Media Institute for Southern Africa, Malawi Mauritius Amnesty International, Mauritius Mozambique APFIVA, Mozambique Media Institute for Southern Africa, Mozambique Mozambican Action on Crime Combat and Social Rehabilitation of Prisoners National Association of Demobilised Soldiers of Mozambique Namibia Clement Daniels Legal Practitioners Forum For the Future Integrated Rural Development and Nature Conservation Katutura Community Radio Legal Assistance Centre Media Institute for Southern Africa, Namibia Media Institute for Southern Africa - Regional Secretariat Namibia Non-Governmental Forum National Society for Human Rights The Rainbow Project Working Group of Indigenous Minorities in Southern Africa (WIMSA) Nigeria Action Health Incorporated (AHI) Africa Alive African Development Network Ama Dialog Foundation Baobab for Women's Rights Borno Coalition for Democracy & Progress (BORCODEP) Care Organization Public Enlightenment (COPE) Central Educational Services (CES) Centre for Constitutional Governance (CCG) Centre for Democracy & Development (CDD) Centre for Development Support Inititatives (CEDHPA) Center for Law and Social Action (CLASA) Centre for the Advancement of Democracy and the Rule of Law Centre for Women Studies and Intervention (CWSI) Child Help in Legal Defence of Rights to Education in Nigeria (CHILDREN) Civil Liberties Organisation Civil Resources Development & Documentation Center (CIRDDOC) CLEEN Foundation (formerly Center for Law Enforcement & Education) Community Action for Popular Participation (CAPP) Constitutional Rights Project (CRP) Development Alternatives and Resource Centre Development Concerns Development Network Development Options for Humanity (DOH) Freedom House Gender and Development Action (GADA) Gender Rights Project General Action Against the Violation of Human and Childrens Rights (GAAVOHCR) Girls Power Initiaitve (GPI) Global Alert for Defence of Youth and the Less Privileged Hope Worldwide Human Development Initiative (HDI) Human Rights Law Services (HURI-LAWS) Institute for Dispute Resolution (IDR) Institute for Human Settlement and Environment International First Aid Society (IFAS) International Foundation for African Children (IFAC) International Press Centre Journalists Against AIDS (JAAIDS) League for Human Rights Legal Defence and Assistance Project (LEDAP) Legal Resources Consortium (LRC) Media Concern for Women & Children (MEDIACON) Media Development Network (MDN) Movement for Cultural Awareness (MOCA) Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) Multimedia Centre for Democracy NGO Guide 2000 Nigerian Network of Non-Governmental Organizations Peace And Development Projects (PEDEP) People's Rights Organization Project Alert ProjektHope Save-a-Soul Foundation Social and Economic Rights Action Center (SERAC) Social Economic Rights Initiative (SERI) Society for Shelter, Education, Food and Agricultural Development in Africa West Africa Bar Association (WABA), Nigeria West Africa Network for Peace Building (WANEP), Nigeria Women Advocates Research & Documentation Center (WARD C) Women Aid Collective (WACOL) Women's Optimum Development Foundation Youth Development Education and Leadership for Africa (YORDEL) Senegal Amnesty International, Senegal Convergence Africaine pour la Démocratie et les Droits Humains (CADDHU) Organisation Nationale des Droits de l'Homme (ONDH) Rencontre Africaine pour la Defense des droits de L'homme (RADDHO) Sierra Leone Lawyers for Legal Aid Assistance South Africa Amnesty International, South Africa (AISA) Anti-Corruption Trust of Southern Africa (ACT-Southern Africa) Association for Rural Advancement (AFRA) Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR) Community Law Centre Concerned Zimbabweans Abroad, South Africa Crisis Zimbabwe Coalition, South Africa Disabled Zimbabweans Abroad, South Africa Free State Rural Development Association (FSRDA) Glynn Hunters International Heal Zimbabwe Trust (HZT), South Africa Institute for Democracy in South Africa (IDASA) Land Access Movement of South Africa (LAMOSA) Lawyers for Human Rights (LHR), South Africa Masisukumeni Women's Crisis Centre Media Institute for Southern Africa, South Africa National Land Committee (NLC) Nkuzi Development Association Solidarity Peace Trust (SPT), South African National NGO Coalition (SANGOCO) Southern African Action Network on Small Arms Southern African Women’s Institute of Migration Affairs (SAWIMA) Southern Cape Land Committee (SCLC) Support Centre – ACTION for Conflict Transformation Surplus People Project (SPP) TRAC Mpumalanga Transparency International - South Africa Transkei Land Service Organisation (TRALSO) Treatment Action Campaign Zimbabwe Advocacy Campaign (ZAC), South Africa Zimbabwe Exiles Forum (ZEF), South Africa Zimbabwe Human Rights Lobby Group, South Africa Zimbabwe Liaison Office (ZLO), South Africa Zimbabwe Political Victims Association (ZIPOVA), South Africa Zimbabwe Torture Victims Project, South Africa Sudan Sudan Organisation Against Torture (SOAT) Swaziland Media Institute for Southern Africa, Swaziland Tanzania Media Institute for Southern Africa, Tanzania Same network of NGOs/CBOs (SANGO Network) Zanzibar Legal Services Centre Zambia Civil Society Trade Network of Zambia Legal Resources Foundation, Zambia Media Institute for Southern Africa, Zambia National Civil Society MDG Campaign Transparency International, Zambia Zambia Civic Education Association Zimbabwe Amani Trust Amnesty International, Zimbabwe Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace Combined Harare Residents Association (CHRA) Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe Legal Resources Foundation, Zimbabwe Media Institute for Southern Africa, Zimbabwe Media Monitoring Project of Zimbabwe National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) Nonviolent Action and Strategies for Social Change Southern Africa Human Rights Trust (SAHRIT) Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) Zimbabwe Association for Crime Prevention and the Rehabilitation of the Offender Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights Zimbabwe Civic Education Trust (ZIMCET) Zimbabwe Human Rights Association (ZimRights) Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights International Alliance for Southern African Progress (ASAP) Amnesty International Association of Zimbabweans Based Abroad Catholic Centre for International Relations Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions CIVICUS – World Alliance for Citizen Participation Fahamu - Networks for Social Justice FIAN International Habitat International Coalition Housing Land Rights Network, representing: Applied Research Institute - Jerusalem, Palestine Arcilla Research, Netherlands Asia Eviction Watch, Philippines Asociaciòn de Vivienda Económica (AVE), Argentina BADIL Resource Centre for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights Centre for Environmental Tourism Culture, Syria Centro de Capacitación Social Ciudad de Panamá Centro de Investigaciones CIUDAD, Ecuador Centro de Intercambio y Servicios Cono Sur (CISCSA), Argentina Centro de la Mujer Peruana Flora Tristan, Peru Centro Feminista de Información Acción (CEFEMINA), Costa Rica Coalición Internacional para el Hábitat, Mexico Comunidades Automas, Venezuela Coordinación Red Mujer y Habitat de America Latina, Argentina Defence for Children International, Palestine Egyptian Centre for the Rights of the Child Geography Department, University of Akron, USA Habitat International Coalition, Chile El Instituto para la Superación de la Meseria Urbana de Guatamala Land Centre for Human Rights, Egypt Middle East/North Africa Program, Housing and Land Rights Network Popular Development Centre, Palestine Red Mexicana de Agricultura Urbana, Mexico Rooftops Canada/Arbi International, Canada Servicio Latinamericano, Asiático y Africano de Vivienda Popular, Chile Shelter for the Poor, Bangladesh South Asia Regional Program, Housing and Land Rights Network Human Rights First Human Rights Watch Inter Africa Network for Human Rights (AFRONET) International Alliance of Inhabitants (IAI) International Bar Association's Human Rights Institute International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) International Crisis Group International Service for Human Rights (ISHR) Refugees International Review of African Political Economy (ROAPE) Safeguards International Related Tags Zimbabwe More for you Briefing / Africa How South Africa Can Nudge Zimbabwe toward Stability Report / Africa All That Glitters is Not Gold: Turmoil in Zimbabwe’s Mining Sector Up Next Q&A / Africa Revolt and Repression in Zimbabwe
Angry protesters barricade the main route to Zimbabwe's capital Harare from Epworth township after the government announced a hike in fuel prices, on 14 January 2019. AFP/Jekesai Njikizana Q&A / Africa 18 January 2019 Revolt and Repression in Zimbabwe The Zimbabwean government’s decision to hike fuel prices has sparked fierce opposition. In this Q&A, Crisis Group’s Senior Consultant Piers Pigou explains how economic hardship is driving ordinary citizens to unprecedented acts of resistance. Share Facebook Twitter Email Save Print Download PDF Full Report (en) What triggered this explosion of unrest? On 12 January, in response to persistent fuel shortages compounded by manipulation and mismanagement of a currency crisis, President Emmerson Mnangagwa announced a fuel price hike of over 200 per cent to $3.31 per litre – making the country’s petrol price the highest in the world. It is unclear how this move would address the shortages, outside of pricing fuel out of the reach of many; already, the knock-on effects of transport and commodity price increases are adding evident stress to ordinary Zimbabweans’ lives. The massive rise sparked a general strike, along with widespread protests, which in many areas was characterised by violence and considerable destruction of property. Those behind the strike did not call for demonstrations, but thousands, especially young people, took to the streets, with many looting shops and burning cars or buildings. Protests were concentrated in and around the main opposition strongholds, the capital Harare and Bulawayo, but also appeared in cities elsewhere across the country. In turn the government ordered a vicious clampdown – deploying soldiers as well as police. At the end of the second day of protests on 15 January, Zimbabwe’s Doctors for Human Rights released a statement saying “hundreds shot, tens estimated dead in rampant rights violations across Zimbabwe”. Their assessment included reports of 107 patients treated for gunshot and blunt trauma wounds. For days after that, it was hard to obtain updated casualty figures. The government blocked internet services, both at the outset of the unrest and again on 18 January, severely disrupting the flow of information and contributing to widespread confusion. The scale of violence is the worst the country has witnessed in some time. Facebook Email On 18 January, the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum was able to publish consolidated statistics counting 844 human rights violations during the general strike. These numbers include: at least twelve killings; at least 78 gunshot injuries; at least 242 cases of assault, torture or inhumane and degrading treatment, including dog bites; 466 arbitrary arrests and detentions; and many displacements (with the number being verified). Other violations are invasion of privacy, obstruction of movement, and limitation of media freedoms and access to information. Protesters have also engaged in intimidation, violence, vandalism and looting. The government confirmed that they stoned one police officer to death; there are several unconfirmed reports of fatalities and injuries among the security forces. The extent of the property damage has yet to be determined, though human rights groups have documented at least 46 instances. The country’s main cities are at a standstill. The government and media have accused the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), trade unions and civil society groups backed by foreign funders (the U.S. and Germany were named) of orchestrating the protests as part of a campaign to undermine the government and elevate the MDC’s leader, Nelson Chamisa, into office. Such accusations are par for the course when the government faces protests; based on past experience, it seems unlikely it will supply compelling evidence to support these claims. Did the unrest come out of the blue? Anger at the government has been building for some time. On my last visit to the capital Harare in December 2018, the country’s economic woes were plain to see. Prices in shops were soaring, retailers were closing down and queues for petrol were lengthening as the country struggled to juggle payments for competing import priorities. Control over the country’s fuel supply is in the hands of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), and the huge financial benefits that come with it are reportedly causing factional rivalry. There is widespread public speculation that the shortages are caused by inter-elite squabbles or even deliberately engineered. People in Harare complain that the administration is akin to a new driver in an old taxi. Facebook Email The price hike thus ignited the already dry tinder on the ground. On 13 January, one day after the announcement, civil society groups backed a call by the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions for a three-day “stayaway”, or general strike. Underlying the skyrocketing prices of fuel, food and other goods is a currency crisis that has been worsening through much of 2018. In 2009, facing similar hyper-inflation, the government abandoned the national currency, and switched the economy over completely to the U.S. dollar. After an election in 2013 in which it ran on a platform of job creation and economic recovery, the ZANU-PF government demonstrated astonishing levels of financial delinquency. It “financed” its own systematic over-expenditure with massive borrowing. Domestic debt, which stood at just $442 million in 2013, surged to $10.5 billion by February 2018 and has climbed further over the last year. In 2016, as more and more dollars drained out of the economy, the government introduced a new “bond note” currency, nominally at parity with the dollar, in an attempt to make up for cash shortages, as well as direct electronic payments into bank accounts for goods and services. These payments included the salaries of civil servants, the last bastion of formal employment. It was the equivalent of printing money over and above the value of the reserves in the central bank. The government continues to claim parity between the bond note, electronic balances and the dollar. With most financial transactions being cashless, this mythology of official parity was maintained, although the bond notes and electronic reserves were trading at a lower rate. But both the latter quasi-currencies have rapidly depreciated since the government introduced fiscal and monetary reforms in October, leading prices for goods and services to spike across the board. The runaway inflation in turn has prompted panic buying and widespread shortages of critical goods such as medicines. It has cut the value of ordinary citizens’ earnings and savings by more than half, further impoverishing an already struggling populace. In the weeks following the fiscal reforms, as purchasing power evaporated, the entire public-sector work force began organising to confront the government. Since early December, Zimbabwean doctors have been at loggerheads with the government, crippling central parts of an already degraded health care system. On 8 January, the Apex Council, an umbrella body representing civil servants, issued the government the statutory two-week notice that it would call a general strike to protest the government’s refusal to pay civil servants in hard currency, namely U.S. dollars. Is there precedent for this level of violence accompanying protests in Zimbabwe? The scale of violence is the worst the country has witnessed in some time. Before 1 August 2018, when the military shot dead six civilians in Harare, Zimbabwe’s security forces did not use live ammunition in crowd control. Now they seem to rely on it. In another escalation, the government has deployed the military to suppress protests and make arrests, highlighting the ineffectiveness of the police or, as some believe, that the government does not trust the police to crack down on protests with sufficient fervour. The response also reflects an embedded military influence in government decision making and could usher in a new phase of repression in Zimbabwe. Nor has the country seen a comparable level of violence, looting and destruction by ordinary Zimbabweans. Some of it is undoubtedly orchestrated, but most appears to be spontaneous. More than ever, young people are willing to confront the government in the streets, reflecting desperation and their deep-seated frustration. Anecdotes are surfacing of huge sections of road being shut down and railway carriages being dragged off the rails and into the streets, signaling new levels of revolt. Such actions suggest a growing number of Zimbabweans are less risk averse in terms of a confrontational approach, adding a highly dangerous new element into the mix. Just fifteen months ago, a coup forced strongman Robert Mugabe from office. Wasn’t Zimbabwe full of hope then? The optimism that accompanied the ouster of long-time President Robert Mugabe in November 2017 has evaporated. For a time, many Zimbabweans thought his replacement, Mnangagwa, might be a reformer, though he had long been a ruling-party stalwart who was Mugabe’s vice president. The international community, including a number of critics, were prepared to give him the benefit of the doubt. Now, however, cynicism is growing in many quarters, albeit for diverse reasons. There are signs of discontent even among ZANU-PF loyalists and members of the security forces, who are also bearing the brunt of economic decay. Controversy blighted Zimbabwe’s much anticipated elections on 30 July 2018, even though the courts endorsed the outcome. Many believe that the use of state resources in Mnangagwa’s favour pushed him over the finish line in the presidential contest. Unprecedented spending by the government ahead of the elections contradicted promises of financial prudence. The MDC refuses to recognise Mnangagwa’s government as legitimate, while the government accuses the opposition of being unpatriotic and promoting a nefarious regime change agenda. The country is polarised, attitudes on both sides have hardened and prospects for bridge-building have withered. Since the elections, the new government has managed to deliver few tangible results. People in Harare complain that the administration is akin to a new driver in an old taxi. Many see the government simply as a reconfiguration of the ZANU-PF, now freed from Mugabe but dominated by security-sector interests and factions aligned to the new president. Questions are also surfacing over President Mnangagwa’s judgment. He left the country immediately after announcing the fuel price hike, ostensibly to search for trade deals in Russia, Belarus, Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan. But such deals are unlikely to resolve the immediate economic issues facing Zimbabwe: while he may drum up some foreign investment in the country, those governments will not provide much needed budgetary support. Nobody believes that Mnangagwa will enjoy anything like the enthusiastic reception he got last year if he goes, as planned, to this year’s World Economic Forum in Davos. Already in December, one of Zimbabwe’s leading political scientists was telling me that “the light at the end of the tunnel has gone out”. He meant that Mnangagwa’s government, while consolidating its authority politically, would be unable to deliver a sustainable, broad-based economic recovery. [F]urther unrest in the coming days, weeks or months is a question of when, rather than if. Facebook Email What could happen next? For almost two decades, observers of Zimbabwe have warned of pending economic collapse, mass hunger and social implosion. Conditions steadily worsened, but Zimbabweans employed an impressive array of survival strategies, from emigration producing diaspora remittances to work in the informal sector, where “making a plan”, as per a common expression, has become something of an art form. The apparent stability has fed complacency, a sense that Zimbabwe can keep on bumping along the bottom. But evidence on the streets now suggests that may no longer be true. The security clampdown is continuing. Notwithstanding its chilling effect on some potential protesters, further unrest in the coming days, weeks or months is a question of when, rather than if. Another initiative for a general strike is already in motion; calls for a “Stayaway 2” on 23-25 January are circulating on social media. Key questions are how organised it will be, given the likelihood that many organisers of the initial street actions are detained, and how the state will respond. Already, there is a de facto nationwide shutdown as towns and city centres remain empty. People cannot move freely because transport is too expensive. Many cannot afford to go to work. Zimbabwe desperately needs reform if the government is to keep the country reasonably stable and preserve its re-engagement with international donors Facebook Email At the same time, the information gap makes it difficult to judge what is happening. Amid endemic misinformation and fake news, some exaggeration of the country’s disarray is likely in play. But in any case, it is unlikely that the mood of confrontation will dissipate quickly. The government may be able to put a lid on unrest and take activists off the streets, but that will not address the conditions that have brought people out. More confrontational protests seem inevitable even if the crackdown curbs protests for now. What should outside powers do about Zimbabwe’s crisis? The biggest challenge at this juncture is to get the government to do something about the unrest besides shoot and arrest protesters. Zimbabwe desperately needs reform if the government is to keep the country reasonably stable and preserve its re-engagement with international donors, a process that started with Mugabe’s ouster. To pull off that reform, it needs broad political consensus, including within both the ruling party and the opposition, but also within other social constituencies. The country is polarised on multiple fronts – ideally the government would commit to supporting the development and implementation of some form of national reconciliation strategy to at least start to heal these divisions. For now, however, such a strategy is not even part of political discourse. It is unclear, however, who has the leverage to nudge the government from repression to reform – or if anyone wants to do so. In the neighbourhood, the Southern African Development Community did not immediately respond to the unrest. Wider international reaction has been muted. Civil society groups have expressed concern and diaspora groups have marched in Johannesburg. But the South African government, traditionally engaged in Zimbabwean politics, has downplayed the situation. With the prospect of more bloodshed and large-scale refugee flight, the region, and indeed the world, cannot afford to ignore the crisis. Related Tags Zimbabwe