Etnička Dilema Kosova: Potreba za Građanskim Ugovorom
Etnička Dilema Kosova: Potreba za Građanskim Ugovorom
Table of Contents
  1. Executive Summary
How to Relaunch the Kosovo-Serbia Dialogue
How to Relaunch the Kosovo-Serbia Dialogue

Etnička Dilema Kosova: Potreba za Građanskim Ugovorom

Jednostavna ali efikasna formula postoji za mir u različtim društvima. Ona se sastoji od civilnog ugovora: vlada priznaje i podržava posebna prava manjina, dok manjine priznaju autoritet vlade. Nema elemenata za ovakav ugovor trenutno na  Kosovu.

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PREGLED

Jednostavna ali efikasna formula postoji za mir u različtim društvima. Ona se sastoji od civilnog ugovora: vlada priznaje i podržava posebna prava manjina, dok manjine priznaju autoritet vlade. Nema elemenata za ovakav ugovor trenutno na  Kosovu. Albanci i dalje nisu voljni da daju podršku za veća prava srpske manjine, a srpska zajednica ne priznaje autoritet institucija Kosova. Štaviše, Kosovo nije država, a status pokrajine ostaje nerešen. Posle četvorogodišnje uprave Ujedinjenih nacija na Kosovu, još nije postavljen temelj ovakvog civilnog ugovora i održivog mira.

Umesto toga dilema oko statusa postaje igra bez rezultata. Albanci ne prihvataju ništa manje od nezavisnosti, dok Srbi žele da budu deo Srbije. Srbi kažu da njihova prava neće biti zaštićena na nezavisnom Kosovu. Albanci veruju da im bezbesnost može biti garantovana samo nezavisnošću, i prete ponovnim konfliktom ukoliko se njihove aspiracije o nezavisnosti ne ispune.

Ovaj izveštaj opisuje način za rešenje ove dileme pri čemu se izbegava opasna opcija podele a ipak priznaje potreba zaštite srpske manjine. Misija privremene uprave UN na Kosovu (UNMIK), uz podršku međunarodne zajednice, mora da počne sa izgradnjom temelja građanskog ugovora. Lažna i nerealna politika UNMIK integracije i multietničnosti, kao i nejasan  proces “standardi pre statusa”, ne mogu da izgrade ovaj temelj. Srbima i ostalim manjinama mora da se da kredibilna garancija da će za njih postojati institucionalno mesto na Kosovu – mogućnost da zaštite i promovišu svoja prava kroz institucije Kosova. U interesu zaštite srpske manjine i stvaranja stabilnog okruženja na Kosovu, važno je da se odmah počne sa delovanjem kako bi se stvorio ovakav institucionalni prostor. Takav postupak olakšao bi vođenje neophodnih pregovora u vezi konačnog statusa, ali ovo ne bi trebalo da se shvati ni od strane Albanaca ni od strane Srba da to prejudicira ili unapred određuje ishod.

ICG predlaže stvaranje prave podsticajne strukture koja će manjine tretirati kao građane sa punim i jednakim pravima, sa jasno određenim kaznama za loše vladanje i nagrade za dobro vladanje. Trebalo bi da se osnuje Odbor za javne usluge za manjine, koji će da ističe šta sve treba da se uradi u cilju poboljšanja pružanja usluga i formulisanja plana za postepeno raspuštanje paralelnih struktura. Izborni sistem treba da se preradi tako da političari (svih etničkih pripadnosti) na centralnom nivou budu odgovorniji. Treba da se izradi Povelja prava koja ističe prava pojedinaca i grupe, koja bi bila praćena jakim pravnim instrumentom koji obezbeđuje primenu ovih prava. I dok inicijativa za decentralizaciju treba da posveti posebnu pažnju potrebama manjinskih zajednica, UNMIK i Savet Evrope treba posebno da obrate pažnju da ne povuku nikakve granice po etničkim osnovama, čak ni za podopštinske jedinice. Posebno treba da se usredsrede na poboljšanje lokalne uprave i da osiguraju da opštinski organi imaju odgovarajuće kadrove i sredstva za obavljanje svog posla.

Uspostavaljanje ovog institucionalnog prostora za manjine u krajnoj liniji zavisi od volje Srba i Albanaca za saradnjom, i obe strane treba da podrži UNMIK i šira međunarodna zajednica. Albanski političari moraju da prevaziđu trenutnu retoriku i shvate da prava manjinskih zajednica ne predstavljaju ustupak koji ugrožava potencijalnu buduću nezavisnost Kosova, već su neophodan preduslov za to. U toku pregovora o statusu albanske vođe i Privremene institucije samouprave (PIS) biće procenjivane kako tretiraju Srbe i ostale manjine. Albanske vođe – iz svih političkih partija – moraju aktivno da rade na poštovanju prava manjina u konkretnim slučajevima i da se zalažu za tolerantnije okruženje.

Većina srpske populacije ustručava se čak i na kontakt sa UNMIK. Prethodni sporazumi imali su samo male koristi koje su programatične srpske vođe mogle da pokažu njihovim zajednicama. Nova i opipljivija posvećenost UNMIK i međunarodne zajednice u stvaranju institucionalnog prostora za manjine mogla bi ponovo da oživi odnose sa srpskom zajednicom. Umesto konstantnog okretanja Beogradu, srpski lideri treba da iskoriste ovu priliku i da se bore za svoja prava u institucijama Kosova.

Kooperativni Beograd je takođe ključna stavka. Preko stalne podrške paralelnim strukturama vlade i podsticajnim izjavama o učestvovanju, Beograd kvari ostvarivanje građanskog ugovora između kosovskih Srba i Albanaca. Posle ubistva srpskog premijera Zorana Đinđića, međunarodna zajednica kao da je nevoljna da vrši pritisak na Beograd kako bi on odigrao konstruktivnu ulogu na Kosovu. Dok je demokratskim reformama u Srbiji potrebna velika podrška, u dugoročnom interesu Beograda je saradnja sa UNMIK kako bi stvorili stabilno političko okruženje na Kosovu. Srpski nacionalisti u Beogradu i na Kosovu će bez sumnje odbiti sve što oni vide kao potencijalno odbacivanje srpskog suvereniteta u pregovorima o konačnom statusu, ali njima treba naglasiti da njihova konstruktivna saradnja sa vladinim institucijama na Kosovu neće zahtevati nikakvu modifikaciju njihovih pozicija oko suvereniteta, već da će povećati njihov međunarodni položaj zbog uključivanja u ove pregovore, i istovremeno obezbediti neposredne i opipljive koristi za srpsku zajednicu.

U Izveštaju se zastupa pristup iz nekoliko faza za sklapanje građanskog ugovora koji bi uredio ethičke odnose na Kosovu. Temelj ugovora – mere koje su gore navedene za ustanovljenje institucionalnog prostora za manjine – treba odmah postaviti. U toku pregovora o statusu, sam građanski ugovor biće finaliziran. Ovo od međunarodne zajednice zahteva da pošalje jasnu poruku Albanskim vođama da nezavisnost kao njihov cilj, sa postojećim granicama može da bude realan samo ako većinska zajednica obezbedi uslove za život po kojima će se manjinske zajednice osećati kao slobodni i jednaki građani na Kosovu.

Priština/Brisel, 28. maj 2003.g.

Executive Summary

A simple but effective formula exists for peace in diverse societies. It consists of a civic contract: the government recognises and supports special rights for minorities, and minorities acknowledge the authority of the government. No elements of such a contract currently exist in Kosovo. The Albanians remain reluctant to support enhanced rights for the Serb minority, and the Serb community does not recognise the authority of Kosovo’s institutions. Moreover, Kosovo is not a state and the future status of the province remains unresolved. After four years of United Nations authority in Kosovo, the foundation of this civic contract and of sustainable peace has not been laid.

Instead the status dilemma has become a zero-sum game. The Albanians will accept nothing less than independence, and the Serbs firmly want to remain part of Serbia. Serbs argue that their rights will not be protected in an independent Kosovo. Albanians believe that their security will only be guaranteed with independence, and threaten renewed conflict if their independence aspirations are not met.

This report outlines a way out of the dilemma that avoids the dangerous option of partition yet recognises the need of the Serb minority to be protected. The United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), with the support of the international community, must begin to build the foundation of a civic contract. UNMIK’s vague and unrealistic policy of multiethnicity and integration, as well as the unclear “standards before status” process, cannot build this foundation. Serbs and other minorities must be given credible guarantees that they will have institutional space in Kosovo – the ability to protect and promote their rights through Kosovo’s institutions. In the interests of protecting the Serb minority and creating a more stable environment in Kosovo it is important that action commence immediately to create this institutional space. Such action would facilitate necessary final status negotiations but should not be seen by either Albanians or Serbs as prejudicing or predetermining their outcome.

ICG proposes the creation of a real incentive structure to treat minorities as full and equal citizens, with clear penalties for bad behaviour and rewards for good behaviour. A committee on public services for minorities should also be established, outlining what needs to be done to improve service provision and formulating a gradual plan to dissolve parallel structures. The electoral system should be reworked so that politicians (of all ethnicities) at the central level are more accountable. A Charter of Rights outlining individual and group rights should be established, accompanied by a strong judicial instrument that ensures the enforcement of these rights. And while the decentralisation initiative should pay special attention to the needs of minority communities, UNMIK and the Council of Europe should exercise extreme caution before drawing any boundaries on an ethnic basis, even for sub-municipal units. The focus should be on improving local governance and ensuring that municipal bodies have the capacity and resources to do their job.

Establishing this institutional space for minorities ultimately depends on the willingness of Serbs and Albanians to cooperate, and both need assistance and encouragement from UNMIK and the broader international community. Albanian politicians must go beyond their current rhetoric and recognise that rights for minority communities are not concessions undermining the potential future independence of Kosovo but an essential precondition. During status negotiations Albanian leaders and the Provisional Institutions of Self-Government (PISG) will be judged on how they treat Serbs and other minorities. Albanian leaders – from all political parties – must proactively work to respect minority rights in concrete terms and foster a more tolerant environment.

The majority of the Serb population hesitates even to engage with UNMIK. Previous agreements have produced few benefits of cooperation for pragmatic Serb leaders to show their community. A renewed and tangible commitment from UNMIK and the international community to create institutional space for minorities could reenergise relations with the Serb community. Instead of constantly turning to Belgrade, Serb leaders should utilise this opportunity to fight for their rights within Kosovo’s institutions.

A cooperative Belgrade will also be essential. Through continued support to parallel structures of government and inflammatory statements about partition, Belgrade acts as a spoiler to the establishment of a civic contract between Kosovo’s Serbs and Albanians. After the assassination of Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic, the international community appears reluctant to place pressure on it to play a constructive role in Kosovo. While democratic reform in Serbia needs strong support, it is in Belgrade’s long-term interest to cooperate with UNMIK to create a stable political environment in Kosovo. Serb nationalists in both Belgrade and Kosovo will no doubt be inclined to resist anything they see as prejudicing retention of Serbian sovereignty in the final status negotiations, but it can be put to them that their constructive engagement with Kosovo governing institutions in this respect would not in itself require any modification of their position on sovereignty, would enhance their international standing in the run up to those negotiations, and at the same time deliver immediate and tangible benefits to the Serb minority.

The report advocates a phased approach to create a civic contract governing ethnic relations in Kosovo. The foundation for the contract – the measures outlined above to establish an institutional space for minorities – should be implemented immediately. During status discussions, the civic contract itself would then be finalised. This requires the international community to send a clear message to Albanian leaders that their goal of independence within existing boundaries can only be realistic if the majority community ensures that minority communities are able to live in Kosovo as free and equal citizens.

Pristina/Brussels, 28 May 2003

How to Relaunch the Kosovo-Serbia Dialogue

Online Event to discuss Crisis Group's report "Relaunching the Kosovo-Serbia Dialogue", in which we discussed what currently stands in the way of a new status quo and what it will take to relaunch the process with the Pristina elections in view.

Thirteen years after Kosovo broke away from Serbia, the two countries remain mired in mutual non-recognition, with deleterious effects on both. The parties need to move past technicalities to tackle the main issues at stake: Pristina’s independence and Belgrade’s influence over Kosovo’s Serbian minority.

In this conversation, we discussed what currently stands in the way of a new status quo and what it will take to relaunch the process with the Pristina elections in view.

How to Relaunch the Kosovo-Serbia Dialogue (Online Event, 28th January 2021)

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