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Has Timor-Leste left behind its violent past?
Has Timor-Leste left behind its violent past?
Briefing 110 / Asia

Maneja Konflitu Rai iha Timor-Leste

Sumariu

Tinan walu depois de ukun-rasik an, Timor-Leste seidauk iha nafatin baze legál ida atu determina na’in ba rai. Iha  ninia auzénsia, dezafiu kona-bá reforsa direitu ba propriedade nian ne’e sai kompleksu liután no aumenta poténsia ba konflitu. Esforsu ida ne’ebé polítikamente susar atu halo ezaminasaun tomak ba iha sertifikadu sira husi nasaun ne’e nia administrasaun koloniál rua, ne’ebé sai komplikadu liután ona ho okupasaun ilegál ba propriedade nian ne’ebé namkari iha fatin hotu depois de deslokasaun ba kuaze metade husi populasaun ne’ebé tuir referendu iha tinan 1999 nian. Inserteza legál no sosiál nian ne’ebé ida-ne’e kria ona, haboot liután efeitu sira husi nasaun ne’e nia krize iha tinan 2006 nian, ne’ebé tuirmai hamosu deslokasaun masa iha kapitál no mós iha liur. Rezolusaun ba inserteza sira-ne’e liuhusi lei, regulamentu no polítika sira ne’ebé foun sei sai nesesáriu atu redús konflitu, hamenus rizku sira ba instabilidade iha tempu tuirmai, no mós atu fó dalan ida ne’ebé klaru atu rezolve disputa sira iha pasadu no aban-bainrua nian.

Disputa kona-bá rai ne’e buras husi istória nasaun ida ne’e nian, ne’ebé nakonu ho dezlokasaun husi relokasaun sira ne’ebé ho obriga, okupasaun militár, no distúrbiu interna nian. Apezarde Timor-Leste nia istória ne’ebé susar, dékada ida husi inserteza legál nian hatudu ona katak la’os disputa hotu-hotu kona-bá propriedade ba rai nian sai ba violénsia. Barak mak rezolve tiha ka maneja tiha liuhusi mediasaun. Faktu ne’e sai hanesan markadór ida kona-bá forsa husi koñesimentu kostumeiru kona-bá propriedade ba rai nian no mós komunidade lokál sira. Maibé kazu balu sei nafatin susar liu ba kapasidade xefe suco, líder lokál no líder relijiozu sira atu rezolve. Kazu balu seluk sei “pendente” no hein hela ba lejizlasaun ne’ebé promete kleur ona, hodi ida-ne’e karik bele klarifika kazu sira ne’ebé iha abut istóriku komplikadu (no laiha dokumentu). Risku ida mak se auzénsia ba lei ida-ne’e kria tiha espetativa sira ba lei ne’e ne’ebé sei difísil atu satisfás. Kestaun sira-ne’e barak mak polítiku liu duké tékniku no sei la rezolve liuhusi aplikasaun ba lei ida de’it. Ho frakeza husi Timor-Leste nia sistema legál, sei presiza atu hametin apoiu ba mediasaun hamutuk ho lei foun sira atu fó opsaun simples ida ba parte sira ne’ebé prontu atu rezolve sira nia kazu iha liur ba tribunál.

Esbosu lejizlasaun kona-bá títulu ba rai nian ne’ebé hein hela aprovasaun iha parlamentu mak sei sai nu’udár pasu primeiru hodi hakat ba iha jestaun ne’ebé dia’k liután ba iha disputa sira rai nian. Lejizlaun ne’e bele mós hatetuk dalan atu reforsa kódigu sivíl foun atu governa direitu ba propriedade nian hotu-hotu. Implementasaun lei ne’e nian  sei fó prova legál ba dala-uluk nian kona-bá propriedade no kria fundasaun ida ne’ebé mak sei uza atu harii planu urbanu iha aban-bainrua nian no mós akordu sira utilizasaun rai nian. Maibé se bainhira governu hahú fó sai títulu ba rai nian, ne’e sei hasa’e interese (saida mak bele manan) ba iha disputa sira hanesan-ne’e nian no nune’e rizku ba konflitu barak. Levantamentu de dadus rai nian ne’ebé hala’o hela daudaun (husi Ita Nia Rai) iha nasaun ne’e nia área urbana barabarak hatudu katak nível disputa kona-bá propriedade nian menus husi pursentu sanulu. Maibé, nia mós lori ona kestaun sira ne’ebé uluk inativu sa’e ba iha leten, hanesan problema sira ho eransa intra-familiál nian no tensaun sira kona-bá rai nian entre komunidade sira.

Estadu Timor-Leste too agora seidauk iha kapasidade hodi realiza ema ida-idak nia direitu ba uma. Senáriu ida ne’ebé piór liu iha aban-bainrua mak se karik Estadu harii sistema administrasaun foun ba rai nian ne’ebé legaliza remosaun maibé la fó protesaun báziku sira ba ema hirak ne’ebé mak hetan katak okupa ona rai ho ilegalmente ka obriga atu muda sai nu’udár rezultadu ida husi governu nia espropriasaun. Rai iha Dili no mós iha área urbana sira seluk susar ona atu hetan. Protesaun sira iha esbosu lejizlasaun ne’e nia laran ba iha rai komunitáriu nian (tanah adat) – maioria boot tebes husi nasaun ne’e nia rai – ne’e seidauk forti, liuliu iha oin ba podér luan liu ne’ebé fó ba iha estadu. Iha komunidade barabarak, títulu individuál sira ne’ebé mak oferese husi lejizlasaun foun ne’e  komunidade sira barak sei lakohi. Governu mak iha prerogativa atu dezenvolve nasaun ne’e, maibé hodi la konkorda ba protesaun sira ne’ebé klaru no aplikável ba ema hirak ne’ebé mak sei presiza repovoasaun, nia simplesmente fó rizku hodi kria deskontente no rejeisaun ba estadu nia autoridade. Ida-ne’e bele enfrakesa direitu sira ne’ebé Estadu buka tebetebes atu reforsa. Governu nia planu foun ne’ebé ambisiozu ba dezenvolvimentu too iha tinan 2030 (PEDN) halo rezolusaun ba kestaun sira-ne’e sai urjente liu.

Atu hametin direitu ba propriedade nian iha Timor-Leste sei presiza liután duké lei ida. Presiza halo konsultasaun liután no akordu kona-bá oinsá atu maneja rai sira ne’ebé pertense ba komunidade nian, partikularmente tanba nasaun ne’e buka hela atu enkoraja investimentu foun. Atu bele hatán ba preokupasaun sira-ne’e, objetivu médiu prazu nian ida mak tenke dezenvolve polítika uza rai nian ne’ebé hatama mós prioridade sira komunidade nian. Tentativa dahuluk nian ne’ebé diriji husi doadór ladún fó efeitu ne’ebé di’ak. Kompromisu nível aas governu nian no mediasaun ne’ebé melloradu mós sei presiza atu rezolve dezafiu polítika nian barabarak ne’ebé hale’u disputa rai nian sira ne’ebé difísil liután. Enkuantu lei ida kona-bá títulu nian sei nafatin nu’udár pasu primeiru, too ohin loron esbosu ne’e seidauk komprende ho di’ak. Debate jerál asegura liuhusi informasaun públiku ne’ebé luan liután kona-bá lei ne’e no ninia implikasaun sira tenki sai nu’udár kondisaun prévia ida ba ninia aprovasaun.  Ida-ne’e presiza atu sai ekilibradu hasoru rizku atu kria tán atrazu barabarak. Iha inserteza kona-bá oinsá lais mak sei bele avansa iha parlamentu. Adiantamentu ba lei ne’e ba iha too depois de eleisaun tuirmai nian ne’e sei sai nu’udár kontratempu ida tanba kriasaun ba sistema ida títulu rai nian ne’e importante duni atu rezolve konflitu no ne’e nu’udár atrazu ida ne’ebé naruk tebes.

Tanba governu halo planu ba dezenvolvimentu ne’ebé aseleradu no identifika área sira ba apoiu doadór nian, nune’e ninia prioridade sira sei inklui:

  • Konsultasaun no esplikasaun liután kona-bá implikasaun sira husi lei ba rai nian no lejizlasaun sira ne’ebé asosiadu molok aprovasaun husi parlamentu nian;
  • klarifikasaun imediata kona-bá protesaun báziku nian sira no planu sira repovoasaun nian ba iha ema hirak ne’ebé ikusmai tenke muda sai bainhira konsidera duni katak sira nu’udár okupante ilegál;
  • enkontru ho komunidade lokál sira kona-bá oinsá governu bele proteje rai sira ne’ebé tama iha propriedade kostumeiru nian;
  • esforsu sira atu hametin apoiu ba iha prosesu sira mediasaun informál nian hamutuk ho títulu formál ba rai nian; no
  • hahú diskusaun kona-bá polítika komprensivu ida ba rai no alojamentu nian ne’ebé sei hatama nesesidade sira komunidade nian no mós governu nia objetivu sira.

Dili/Bruselas, 9 Setembru 2010

Commentary / Asia

Has Timor-Leste left behind its violent past?

Timor-Leste seems to have passed the test. With last Saturday’s parliamentary poll, it has now held three elections this year without significant violence. This will allow for the withdrawal of a UN peacekeeping mission whose 1,100-strong police component has long seemed out of synch with local realities. Its violent recent past may increasingly look like history, although the poor country that celebrated only the 10th anniversary of the restoration of its independence in May still faces numerous challenges.

Concerns that the formation of a new coalition government might give rise to violence, as occurred following the 2007 elections, now look misplaced as provisional results show only four parties due to take seats in parliament (official results are due next week). A look at the seat results shows that the CNRT (National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction) has increased its share from 18 to 30 seats, and looks likely to form another government with former coalition partner Partido Democrático (eight seats) and maybe Frenti-Mudança (two seats).This is good for stability in the short term, but it also carries risks. A stronger government composed of fewer parties may be able to pursue clearer legislative objectives, but it will put great pressure on FRETILIN as perhaps the only party in opposition. As a young country only ten years on from independence, Timor-Leste’s parliament continues to consider questions of fundamental importance to the country’s future on which there is much debate, such as how to spend the billions in its Petroleum Fund, or how to structure land administration. Chosen from party lists and not constituencies, giving them little incentive to engage with communities, Timor-Leste’s parliamentarians to date have struggled to provide either an effective check on the executive or a constructive partner by initiating their own legislation. CNRT’s dominance will mean less active scrutiny and will further erode its role as an instrument of accountability.

The elections were not violence-free. There were some minor incidents of stone throwing and a report of three houses being burnt in Viqueque district in the last few days. But even in this volatile part of Timor-Leste, it was much less than the hundreds burnt around the 2007 polls. When we visited the district in May and asked why, the answer from the police, local government, chefes de suco, and civil society workers alike was unanimous – the threats from heads of the police and army had worked. Their blunt warnings that troublemakers would be shot were backed up with high-profile joint patrols and those contemplating violence got the message. It was a victory for “conflict prevention” that raised new questions about how the country will be governed in the future.