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Report 218 / Asia

印度尼西亚:警力欠佳的致命成本

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印度尼西亚的社区正在越来越多地转向使用暴力来对警察的滥用职权进行报复,不管是真正的滥用职权或者是人们感知到的滥用职权。自2010年8月以来发生了大约40起对警察局和警察的袭击,这清楚地表明社区警务这一警察改革议程的中心问题并没有得到改善。警察动不动就开枪射击,而且通常使用实弹;警察的问责制也几乎没有什么进步。在缺乏应对地方不满的紧迫改革和机制的情况下,公众的敌意可能会增长。警察的任务应该是帮助防止冲突发生,但是往往却促进了冲突爆发。

机制内的文化、结构、个人、财政和教育方面的障碍阻碍了行为的改变。申请加入警察的人是为了谋权和牟利。一旦他们加入警察,无论是在金钱或者职业发展方面,都缺乏激励机制来促使他们与其应当服务的社区建立良好的关系。2005年和2008年关于社区警务的政策指令没有下达到子地区的分局(kepolisian sektor, polsek)。同时,那些致力于建立友好关系的地方官员因为频繁的更换,而影响有限。

社区的敌意是警察暴行累积的结果。这些暴行包括:无理索取金钱;带给人们的嚣张的印象;缺乏问责制,这尤其体现在那些致命的枪击事件中。当如果涉案的警察不受任何处罚,社区会更加抵触对那些采用暴力的民众实施逮捕时,对行为不当的警察没有进行调查或者处罚会触发通常包括纵火在内的暴民行为。

将那些从省级警察学校毕业的没有受到良好培训的毕业生分配到分局工作,使问题更为严重。这些毕业生没有受到完善的枪支方面的训练,更不用说社区警务方面的培训了。在许多情况下,因为没有别的机制来解决人民的不满,地方选举出来的官员不得不担当起了调节警察和社区之间僵局的担子,通过谈判来解决问题。

本报告着眼于讨论2010年和2011年发生的对警察局袭击的三起案例的细节。这些案例的开始都是人们对滥用武力的抱怨。

在中苏拉威西的博尔(Buol, Central Sulawesi),一名年轻人在被警察关押期间死亡,这导致了大规模的群众抗议。在抗议中,有七名群众被打死。随后,民众摧毁了警察设施并迫使警察及其家庭成员离开博尔。这次事件能成为极少数的警察局官员受到法庭审判的案例中的一起,仅仅是因为死亡人数较多和高度的媒体关注。其中一名警察被判无罪,两名警察被判的很短的刑期,还有大约24名其他警察受到轻微的纪律处分。许多的问题仍然悬而未决。

在廖内的金宝(Kampar, Riau), 在一位无辜的部族长老在集市上被拘留和殴打后,居民们破坏了一个警察分局。该长老因为在一张纸上写下一些数字,就被控非法赌博。而事实上他只是记下了产品的价格。因为警察会因处理的犯罪事件的数量受到奖赏,与此类似的小事导致的逮捕事件时常发生。无论犯罪事件的严重性,只要警察逮捕的人数越多,他们就被认为是更好地完成了工作。

在南苏拉威西的班腾(Bantaeng, South Sulawesi),警察对被控涉及赌博的一场婚礼宴会的突袭导致了一人死亡。随后,村民们袭击了一个警察分局。突袭婚礼的警察并不属于该警察分局,但是该警察分局是离死者家最近的分局。警方声称他们开枪是因为他们认为参加婚礼的宾客对赌博人员受到逮捕非常愤怒,这将他们的指挥官的生命置于危险当中。事实上,警察似乎是在黑暗中疯狂扫射,并不能看清楚他们对什么人进行射击。

这些事件象征着更加广泛的问题,印尼政府应当停止将它们作为孤立事件进行处理。这些事件代表着体系的失败。除非解决社区敌意产生的根源,这一体系失败会继续削弱警方的“服务和保卫”人民的承诺,也会继续引发更多的致命的暴力事件。

雅加达/布鲁塞尔,2012年2月16日

Briefing 139 / Asia

印度尼西亚:亚齐旗帜引发紧张局势

A dispute over a flag in Aceh is testing the limits of autonomy, irritating Indonesia’s central government, heightening ethnic tensions, reviving a campaign for the division of the province and raising fears of violence as the 2014 national elections approach.
 

I. Overview

The decision of the Aceh provincial government to adopt the banner of the former rebel Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM) as its official provincial flag is testing the limits of autonomy, irritating Jakarta, heightening ethnic and political tensions, reviving a campaign for the division of Aceh and raising fears of violence as a national election approaches in 2014.

On 25 March 2013, the provincial legislature adopted a regulation (qanun) making the GAM’s old banner the provincial flag. It was immediately signed by Governor Zaini Abdullah. The governor and deputy governor are members of Partai Aceh, the political party set up by former rebel leaders in 2008 that also controls the legislature.

The central government, seeing the flag as a separatist symbol and thus in violation of national law, immediately raised objections and asked for changes. Partai Aceh leaders, seeing the flag as a potent tool for mass mobilisation in 2014, have refused, arguing that it cannot be a separatist symbol if GAM explicitly recognised Indonesian sovereignty as part of the Helsinki peace agreement in 2005 that ended a nearly 30-year insurgency. Partai Aceh believes that if it remains firm, Jakarta will eventually concede, as it did in 2012 over an election dispute.

Indonesian President Yudhoyono’s government is torn. On the one hand, it does not want a fight with the GAM leaders; the 2005 peace agreement is the most important achievement of a president who, in his final term, is very much concerned about his legacy. It also is unwilling to provoke GAM too far, fearful that it will return to conflict, a fear many in Aceh discount as unwarranted but one that Partai Aceh has exploited with relish. On the other hand, it does not want to be branded as anti-nationalist as the 2014 election looms, especially as some in the security forces remain convinced that GAM has not given up the goal of independence and is using democratic means to pursue it. The president and his advisers also know that if they allow the GAM flag to fly, it will have repercussions in Papua, where dozens of pro-independence activists remain jailed for flying the “Morning Star” flag of the independence movement.

GAM leaders see little to lose by standing their ground. The flag is a hugely emotive symbol, and defying Jakarta is generally a winning stance locally. Some individual members of parliament see it as a way of regaining waning popularity for failing to deliver anything substantive to their constituencies. Also, Partai Aceh took a controversial decision to partner with Gerindra, the party of former army General Prabowo Subianto, for the 2014 election. Leaders like Muzakir Manaf, deputy governor and former commander of GAM’s armed wing, may want to use the flag issue to show they have not compromised their principles by allying with a man whose human rights record is often questioned.

Within Aceh, adoption of the GAM flag has sparked protests from non-Acehnese ethnic groups in the central highlands and south west. The GAM heartland has always been along the east coast; to highlanders like the Gayo, the flag thus represents the domination of the coastal Acehnese at their expense. The issue has revived a dormant campaign for the division of Aceh into three by the creation of two new provinces, Aceh Leuser Antara (ALA) for the central highlands and Aceh Barat Selatan (ABAS) for the south west. If GAM does not back down on the flag, support for that campaign by the intelligence services is likely to rise, and with it, the probability of increased ethnic tensions.

The options for breaking the stalemate seem to be as follows: the government concedes; GAM concedes, making slight changes to the flag by adding or removing an element; GAM agrees to limits on how or where the flag can be displayed; or the dispute is taken to the Supreme Court, thereby delaying any resolution.

In the meantime, the power of the GAM machinery in Aceh continues to grow.

Jakarta /Brussels, 7 May 2013