Report / Asia 4 minutes

后纳尔吉斯时代的缅甸:援助关系正常化恰逢其时

执行摘要

纳尔吉斯飓风造成的巨大灾难促使缅甸政府与国际人道主义救援机构展开了前所未有的合作, 有力地保证了将应急救援物资运送到幸存者手中。事实证明国际社会此前一直奉行的援助政策在实际救援工作中适得其反,因此国际社会应该抓住机会,放弃早前的政策,为受灾地区的恢复重建提供实质性的物资援助,逐步扩大和深化对该国可持续发展的支持。单就人道主义而言,这是最基本的要求,但也为国际社会推动缅甸发生积极转变提供了绝佳的机会。

5月2日的飓风吞噬了伊洛瓦底三角洲地区十余万人的生命。灾难初始,缅甸政府的反应震惊了世界:政府拒绝国际救援机构和地区捐助者运送救援物资,置数十万灾民的生命和福祉于不顾。但是随着事件的发展,国内因素、国际因素、特别是地区压力和外交努力初见成效,显示出国际社会与缅甸军政府在人道主义救援问题上展开合作存在可能。缅甸政府和国际救援机构之间的沟通渠道已得到了很大改善。如今,缅甸政府发放签证和旅游证比以前更快捷,也放松了对新救援项目的要求。总体来说,当局正在努力为救援工作提供便利,包括允许民间力量在救灾中发挥实质性作用。七月底,联合国紧急救灾协调员霍姆斯称:“救灾行动目前方已步入正轨。”东盟在协调、领导国际救援方面已经并将继续发挥重要的带头作用。

政治改革依然至关重要,而且应当仍然是各国和国际社会追求的目标。。但是从缅甸的国情来看,以援助作为讨价还价的筹码施之于缅甸以图实现政治变革正是缘木求鱼——军政府领导人已多次表示不会接受附带政治条件的援助。国际社会的决策者往往并不将救助视为单纯的救援行为或救灾的方法,而是将其视为敲开封闭国家国门、改善政府管理和为当地人民争取生命权利的有效政策。

重建受灾最严重的地区将耗时数载,且仍需国际社会给予持续支持。然而,飓风对缅甸粮食生产的毁灭性破坏使该国本已糟糕的人道主义境况进一步恶化。长期的贫穷和社会服务的缺失将数以百万计的家庭推向了生存的边缘,任何经济动荡和自然灾害都将对他们产生巨大的影响。生活无保障的情况若得不到解决,人们将陷入更大的灾难,并可能最终演变成大规模的人道主义危机。

政府的残酷镇压、腐败盛行以及管理不善是产生此局面的主要原因。西方国家曾试图通过孤立政策推翻缅甸军政府,却因此丧失了很多改变该国局面的机会,例如促进经济改革、增强社会服务、为公民社会争取权力、支持减灾防灾。同时,西方国家的援助政策束缚了自己的手脚,使得他们无法对缅甸所发生的变化施加影响。如果军政府继续执行 “民主路线图”七步计划,国际社会就会仍然处于看客的角色,任其发展下去,情况将非常危险。

二十年的援助限制导致缅甸人均受援总量仅为其他最不发达国家的二十分之一,客观上也削弱了推动缅甸变革的动力。要想实现和平和民主,缅甸各级政府都需要有远见卓识的领导人,具备处理政权过渡的能力,拥有当地组织的支持。并非每个贫穷封闭国家都需要这些要素才能实现变革,但是当一个国家深陷社会经济危机、人力资源和执政能力逐步减弱,政府的变革能力也日渐衰微。

虽然“人道主义”援助已经成为当今世界的一种普遍现象,缅甸的结构性危机却不能以一般的人道主义危机论处。国际社会不仅需要明确承诺帮助缅甸从纳尔吉斯飓风灾害的破坏中重建,而且需要弥补多年来对缅甸的忽视,帮助其发展。这就意味着国际社会需要对缅甸做出更广泛的援助。而且这些援助必须与以往不同,,要致力于提高缅甸国民的收入、教育和卫生水平,鼓励民间力量发展、改善经济政策和执政方式、促进少数民族的平等地位,以及提高防御灾害的能力。

这一转变不可能一蹴而就,军政府领导人需要有信心相信国际社会的救援努力不会威胁到他们的国家主权和安全;需要向援助国保证援助不会被滥用或浪费;因为缅甸现存救援机构装备极度落后,该国政府的救援机构还需要实质性地增强开展救援的能力。

在缅甸开展救援工作并非易事。和许多发展中国家情况类似,当地政府限制和干涉救援活动、官僚作风和腐败盛行,这些都给救援活动造成障碍。然而一些在此长期工作的机构证明:尽管困难重重,安全有效进行救援的可能性是存在的。如果这样的开端可以增进互信,并且为建立更有效的救援机制打下坚实的基础,那么通过合作我们不仅可能满足当下之需,而且能够进一步解决政府的治理危机和人民的苦难。

当然,单纯的援助并不会带来人类的可持续发展,遑论和平和民主。但是,鉴于缅甸和外部世界的联系有限,一般来说,救援的重要意义主要体现在为政府、国民和国际社会提供互动的平台上。

仰光/布鲁塞尔, 08年10月二十日

Executive Summary

The massive devastation caused by cyclone Nargis has prompted a period of unprecedented cooperation between the government and international humanitarian agencies to deliver emergency aid to the survivors. The international community should seize this opportunity to reverse longstanding, counterproductive aid policies by providing substantial resources for recovery and rehabilitation of the affected areas and, gradually, expanding and deepening its engagement in support of sustainable human development countrywide. This is essential for humanitarian reasons alone, but also presents the best available opportunity for the international community to promote positive change in Myanmar.

The government’s initial response to the cyclone, which hit Myanmar on 2 May killing over 100,000 people in the Ayeyarwady delta, shocked the world. International agencies and local donors were stopped from delivering aid, putting the lives and welfare of hundreds of thousands of people in jeopardy. But internal factors, along with international and particularly regional pressure and diplomacy, had their effect, and developments since then show that it is possible to work with the military regime on humanitarian issues. Communication between the government and international agencies has much improved. Visas and travel permits today are easier and faster to get than before. Requirements for the launch of new aid projects have been eased. By and large, the authorities are making efforts to facilitate aid, including allowing a substantial role for civil society. In late July, UN Emergency Relief Coordinator John Holmes declared, “This is now a normal international relief operation”. The lead given by ASEAN in coordinating and fronting international aid efforts has been, and will continue to be, of particular importance.

Political reform remains vital and should continue to be the subject of high-level international diplomacy and pressure. But it is a mistake in the Myanmar context to use aid as a bargaining chip, to be given only in return for political change. The military rulers have shown repeatedly that they are prepared to forego any aid that comes with political strings attached. Aid should rather be seen by international policymakers as valuable in its own right as well as a way of alleviating suffering, but also as a potential means of opening up a closed country, improving governance and empowering people to take control of their own lives.

It will take years, and sustained international support, for the worst-hit areas to recover. Moreover, the massive damage to Myanmar’s food bowl will worsen the already dire humanitarian situation in the country at large. Growing impoverishment and deteriorating social service structures have pushed millions of households to the edge of survival, leaving them acutely vulnerable to economic shocks or natural disasters. If not addressed, the increasing levels of household insecurity will lead to further human suffering, and could eventually escalate into a major humanitarian crisis.

Government repression, corruption and mismanagement bear primary responsibility for this situation. But Western governments – in their attempt to defeat the regime by isolating it – have sacrificed opportunities to promote economic reform, strengthen social services, empower local communities and support disaster prevention and preparedness. Their aid policies have weakened the West’s ability to influence the changes underway in the country. As the regime moves ahead with its “seven-step roadmap”, there is an acute danger that the international community will remain relegated to a spectator role.

Twenty years of aid restrictions – which see Myanmar receiving twenty times less assistance per capita than other least-developed countries – have weakened, not strengthened, the forces for change. Bringing about peace and democracy will require visionary leaders at all levels, backed by strong organisations, who can manage the transition and provide effective governance. These are not common attributes of an isolated and impoverished society. As the country’s socio-economic crisis deepens and its human resources and administrative capacity decline, it will become harder and harder for any government to turn the situation around.

While “humanitarian” aid is a reasonable response to a temporary emergency, the deepening structural crisis in Myanmar demands a response of a different type and magnitude. The international community should commit unequivocally not only to helping Myanmar recover from the destruction of Nargis, but also to making up for years of neglect and helping move the country forward. This means much more aid. Equally importantly, it means different aid, aimed at raising income and education as well as health levels, fostering civil society, improving economic policy and governance, promoting the equality of ethnic minorities and improving disaster prevention and preparedness.

This shift will not be easy. The military leadership will need to be convinced that increased international development efforts do not threaten national sovereignty and security; donors must be ensured that aid is not abused or wasted; and implementing agencies will have to substantially enhance their capacity for development work, something for which the current aid structure in country is ill-equipped.

Myanmar is not an easy place to do aid work. Government restrictions and intrusiveness, red tape and corruption hamper activities, as in many developing countries. But agencies with a longstanding presence on the ground have proved that, despite the difficulties, it is possible to deliver assistance in an effective and accountable way. If the current opening can be used to build further confidence and lay the basis for a more effective aid structure, it may be possible not only to meet the immediate needs, but also to begin to address the broader crisis of governance and human suffering.

Aid alone, of course, will not bring sustainable human development, never mind peace and democracy. Yet, because of the limited links between Myanmar and the outside world, aid has unusual importance as an arena of interaction among the government, society and the international community.

Yangon/Brussels, 20 October 2008

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