菲律宾:马京达瑙大屠杀之后
菲律宾:马京达瑙大屠杀之后
Table of Contents
  1. Overview
Briefing 98 / Asia

菲律宾:马京达瑙大屠杀之后

概况

2009年11月23日57名男女被一个与菲律宾总统格洛丽亚·马卡帕加尔·阿罗约有关系的军阀的私人军队屠杀,该事件震动了菲律宾全国以及全世界。导致屠杀的直接导火索是伊斯梅尔·“托托”·曼谷达达图决定竞选马京达瑙省省长,而该省在过去十年中一直是安帕图恩家族的领地。马尼拉历届政府,特别是阿罗约政府的政治支持使得安帕图恩家族得以大量敛财和囤积兵力,其中包括一个配备迫击炮、火箭发射器和最新式突击步枪的私人军火库。他们控制警察、司法以及地方选举委员会。因此,紧随屠杀而来的是在司法、安全以及和平领域施行新举措的机会。但问题是,是否有任何当权者能够抓住这些机会。

安帕图恩家族之所以能够行使绝对权力,不仅是由于从马尼拉获得政治支持,而且也是由于菲律宾的法律法规允许平民武装和私人资金投入军队和警察系统;对中央政府为地方政府预算的拨款缺乏监督或审计;对武器进口、购买和流通的类型缺乏管制;以及非正常运行的法律系统。安帕图恩家族还在政府和摩洛伊斯兰解放阵线(MILF)的冲突中获取好处,它将自己定位为忠实的反叛乱部队,但事实上其利用所获得的武装平民的便利更多地是为了扩张自己的力量而非保卫国家。

在大屠杀发生之后,政府宣布戒严以便逮捕安帕图恩家族成员并追捕他们的私人军队,其中包括数十名警察。一周后,戒严取消,但被捕人员中是否有人确实将受到审判和定罪还需拭目以待。担心安帕图恩家族实施报复的恐惧甚至蔓延到了马尼拉:当地一名法官以保护自己家庭安全为由,退出了对唯一一名安帕图恩家族成员的审判,而这名家族成员被起诉涉嫌多重谋杀的审判。

大屠杀引发了国内和国际的强烈愤慨,屠杀中包括被残害的女性受害者,而且屠杀中导致记者死亡的人数超过了世界上任何地方单次事件中的记者死亡人数的最高纪录。强烈的愤慨可能促使多方面取得进展,如果:

  • 肇事者很快受到审判;
     
  • 政府停止所有辅助警察和军队的私人和地方资金;宣称对枪支采购和发放实行更加严格的控制;禁止民兵组织;
     
  • 国际社会在一系列领域提供协助,从法医分析和证人保护到资助菲律宾的安全需要分析;如嫌疑人拥有海外资产,应协助对其给与冻结;将嫌疑人列入移民黑名单;
     
  • 摩洛伊斯兰解放阵线与政府合作追捕安帕图恩私人军队的嫌疑犯,从而为和平谈判造势;
     
  • 菲律宾、国际媒体以及民间社会将案件置于公众视线的聚焦中心,从而要求对肇事者进行起诉以及进行更广范围的改革,即使菲律宾即将进入2010年的选举季。

雅加达 / 布鲁塞尔 , 2009 年 12 月 21 日

I. Overview

The massacre on 23 November 2009 of 57 men and women by the private army of a warlord allied to Philippine President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo shocked the country and the world. The immediate trigger for the killings was the decision of one man, Esmail “Toto” Mangudadatu, to run for governor of Maguindanao province, which for the last decade has been the fiefdom of the Ampatuan family. Political patronage by successive governments in Manila, most notably by the Arroyo administration, allowed the Ampatuans to amass great wealth and unchecked power, including the possession of a private arsenal with mortars, rocket launchers and state-of-the-art assault rifles. They controlled the police, the judiciary, and the local election commission. In the wake of the massacre, there are opportunities for new measures in the areas of justice, security and peace. The question is whether anyone in a position of power will seize them.

The Ampatuans’ exercise of absolute authority was made possible not only by political patronage from Manila, but also by laws and regulations permitting the arming and private funding of civilian auxiliaries to the army and police; lack of oversight over or audits of central government allocations to local government budgets; the ease with which weapons can be imported, purchased and circulated; and a thoroughly dysfunctional legal system. The family also took advantage of the conflict between the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) to position itself as a loyal counter-insurgency force, even though it used the green light obtained for arming civilians more to expand its own power than defend the state.

In the aftermath of the massacre, the government declared martial law to facilitate the arrests of the Ampatuans and pursue their private army, which included dozens of police. It lifted it after a week, and it remains to be seen whether any of those arrested will actually be tried and convicted. Fear of retaliation by the Ampatuans extends even to Manila, where a judge withdrew from the case involving the only member of the family indicted for multiple murder, citing the security of his own family.

Domestic and international anger over the massacre, which involved mutilation of the women victims and constituted the single biggest death toll of journalists ever in a single incident anywhere in the world, could lead to progress on a number of fronts if:

  • the perpetrators are quickly brought to trial;
     
  • the government ends all private and local funding of police and military auxiliaries; asserts far stricter control over procurement and issuance of firearms; and bans civilian militias;
     
  • the international community offers assistance in a range of fields from forensic analysis and witness protection to funding an analysis of the Philippines’ security needs; helps freeze the suspects’ assets abroad, if any; and places them on an immigration blacklist;
     
  • the MILF and the government work together to pursue suspects of the Ampatuan private army to give momentum to peace talks; and
     
  • the Philippines and international media and civil society keep the case front and centre in the public eye to demand prosecution of the perpetrators and broader reforms, even as the Philippines moves into election season in 2010.

​​​​​​Jakarta/Brussels, 21 December 2009

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