Report / Europe & Central Asia 3 minutes

中亚地区的水资源危机

水资源的分配争端使得拔汗那山谷(Ferghana Valley)地区日趋紧张的形势愈发恶化。为解决这一问题,吉尔吉斯斯坦、塔吉克斯坦和乌兹别克斯坦三国应立刻改变它们将水资源和能源作为政治工具的做法,并在就这一严峻问题寻求综合解决方案之前,三方应将重点放在如何达成一系列更现实的双边协定之上。

执行摘要

在中亚地区,水资源一直是引发矛盾和冲突的重要原因。吉尔吉斯斯坦和塔吉克斯坦两国拥有丰富的水资源,而其余三国则称其未能从该地区的两条主要河流——锡尔河(Syr Darya)和阿姆河(Amu Darya)——中获得它们应有的份额。锡尔河和阿姆河起源于天山山脉、帕米尔高原和兴都库什山脉,流经中亚地区汇入残存的咸海。其中,吉尔吉斯斯坦、塔吉克斯坦和乌兹别克斯坦三国水资源短缺的情况尤其严重、且日趋恶化。自2000年来,中亚地区的人口增长了近1000万人,原本就有限的耕地资源由于过度开垦和落后的农业技术而遭到进一步的破坏。该地区广泛的腐败和破旧的基础设施亦使问题进一步地恶化,同时气候变化也可能对这一地区产生长期的负面影响。在经济疲软和政权脆弱的情形之下,民族主义、边界纠纷和地区紧张局势使各国更加难以就水资源分配而达成共识、研制解决方案。该地区急需找到一个解决水资源及相关问题的新方法,即,建立一系列相关且易实现的双边协定,而不是妄想通过单个综合性方案来一劳永逸地解决问题。

随着苏联1991年解体的还有其在中亚地区实施的资源分配系统,并由此致使了该地区的水资源危机。原苏联体系下,在夏季,吉尔吉斯斯坦和塔吉克斯坦向哈萨克斯坦、土库曼斯坦和乌兹别克斯坦供水;在冬季,两国则接受来自哈萨克斯坦、土库曼斯坦和乌兹别克斯坦的煤炭和电力。到1990年代末,这一体系便已瓦解,当时各方虽签署了一系列的双边、地区协定和决议,但也未能解决矛盾。而国际预防危机组织曾于2002年指出的诸多问题——基础设施落后、水资源管理效率低下、灌溉技术落后——至今仍未得到解决,而其安全环境更是趋于恶化。

各国领导人均未表现出为解决重要地区性问题而通力合作的诚意。吉尔吉斯斯坦、塔吉克斯坦和乌兹别克斯坦受水资源危机影响最深,但三国之间的嫌隙却日趋加深。塔吉克斯坦总统埃莫马利·拉赫蒙(Emomali Rahmon)和乌兹别克斯坦总统伊斯拉姆·卡里莫夫(Islam Karimov)多年以来关系一直十分冷淡,卡里莫夫和他的部长们更是不断发出挑衅言辞。国际社会——包括俄罗斯、欧盟和美国在内——称若中亚各国仍然固守对国家利益的狭隘理解,他们便难以从中斡旋。若要解决各国在上游水电项目上的利益分歧,这需要它们进行深入且高层次的决议。尽管某些旨在改善供水的地区性努力已初见成效(多数为捐助项目),腐败却使得具有长远目标的行动计划付诸东流。吉尔吉斯斯坦、塔吉克斯坦和乌兹别克斯坦三国政府未能更新其对水依赖性强的产业(例如能源产业和农业),而这则增加了他们互相的依赖。

尽管水资源问题极为复杂,但却并非全然无望解决。某瑞士水资源专家指出,“水资源或会成为诱发冲突的导火索,但其也可能成为促进和平的驱动器。”作为一个客观性问题,水资源的公平分配和与之伴生的能源交换将有望为所有国家带来实际利益。若能把水资源问题从更为复杂的边界和飞地问题分离开、并进行单独探讨,那中亚各国则有望化解冲突、甚至最终消解冲突。更加完善的水资源基础设施和管理项目将有助于打造和平与政治稳定,同时促进发展和经济增长。

然而,由于各国之间缺乏信任,它们企图一揽子解决地区问题的努力均以失败告终。吉尔吉斯斯坦、塔吉克斯坦和乌兹别克斯坦(及其背后的国际盟友)应在三国交界的拔汗那山谷地区,为停止年复一年的水资源纠纷和冲突而有所行动。通过将水资源问题分解为更易处理的部分,三国及其国际盟友可从沿着概念和地理,线性地寻求循序渐进、阶段性的解决方案,而非企图通过一个方案来一劳永逸地解决所有资源问题。如果乌兹别克斯坦不愿参与,吉尔斯斯斯坦和塔吉克斯坦则应展开双边合作。与此同时,它们应寻求高层调停,并解决乌兹别克斯坦反对上游水电项目的问题。

这一设想未必一定奏效,但它至少能为上述三国提供——实现基础设施现代化、改进水资源管理能力、培养新一代技术专家——的机会。该系列协定的设想还将为其他急需合作解决的问题树立榜样、有望缓解地区矛盾冲突、并且同时改进该地区广大居民的生活条件。

比什凯克/布鲁塞尔,2014年9月11日

Executive Summary

Water has long been a major cause of conflict in Central Asia. Two states – Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan – have a surplus; the other three say they do not get their share from the region’s great rivers, the Syr Darya and Amu Darya, which slice across it from the Tien Shan, Pamir Mountains, and the Hindu Kush to the Aral Sea’s remains. Pressures are mounting, especially in Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. The population in Central Asia has increased by almost ten million since 2000, and limited arable land is being depleted by over-use and outdated farming methods. Extensive corruption and failing infrastructure take further toll, while climate change is likely to have long-term negative consequences. As economies become weaker and states more fragile, heightened nationalism, border disputes, and regional tensions complicate the search for a mutually acceptable solution to the region’s water needs. A new approach that addresses water and related issues through an interlocking set of individually more modest bilateral agreements instead of the chimera of a single comprehensive one is urgently needed.

The root of the problem is the disintegration of the resource-sharing system the Soviet Union imposed on the region until its collapse in 1991. Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan provided water to Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan in summer and received Kazakh, Turkmen and Uzbek coal, gas and electricity in winter. The system had broken down by the late-1990s, and a plethora of bilateral and regional agreements and resolutions concluded in that decade failed to fix it. The concerns Crisis Group identified in 2002 – inadequate infrastructure, poor water management and outdated irrigation methods – remain unaddressed, while the security environment is bleaker.

Regional leaders seem disinclined to cooperate on any of their main problems. Suspicion is growing between the most directly affected countries, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. Personal relations between Tajik President Emomali Rahmon and Uzbek President Islam Karimov have been icy for years, and Karimov and his ministers are increasingly prone to make bellicose statements. International partners, including Russia, the European Union (EU) and the U.S., say they can do little if the countries remain fixated on a narrow interpretation of national interests. Differences over upstream hydropower projects require intensive, high-level resolution. Though some localised efforts to improve water supply have worked, usually with donor aid, corruption has undermined more ambitious ones. Yet, the failure of the Kyrgyz, Tajik and Uzbek governments to modernise water-dependent sectors such as energy and agriculture increases their mutual dependence.

For all its complexity, the water issue is probably the one that offers some opportunity for solution. As a Swiss water specialist observed, “water can be a driver of conflict but it can also be a driver of peace”. It is an objective problem, and equitable distribution and a concomitant energy exchange would produce tangible benefits for all. Removal of the water factor from the more intractable problems of borders and enclaves, meanwhile, might mitigate conflicts and perhaps even help solve them. Improved water infrastructure and management projects could thus be crucial for building peace and political stability, while promoting development and economic growth.

Attempts at comprehensive regional solutions have foundered on mistrust. Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan (and their international backers) should act now in the border areas of the Ferghana Valley to end the annual cycle of competition and conflict over water by dividing the water issue into more manageable portions – seeking gradual, step-by-step solutions along conceptual and geographical lines rather than one all-inclusive resource settlement. If Uzbekistan will not participate, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan should work bilaterally. Meanwhile, high-level mediation should be sought to address Uzbekistan’s objections to upstream hydropower projects.

There is no guarantee this would work, but it could give these three states an opportunity to modernise infrastructure and the management of water resources as well as train a new generation of technical specialists. The agreements would also set a modest precedent for other spheres in which cooperation is sorely needed and might help defuse tensions in the region, while improving the grim living conditions of most of its population.

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