In November 2016, the government and FARC rebels signed an agreement ending five decades of guerrilla war, yet peace remains elusive as new armed groups have stepped in to compete for territory and illicit businesses. To defend the gains of the peace process and stop a new cycle of conflict from taking hold, the state must redress the inequality underlying social discontent, make peace with Colombia’s last major insurgency, the ELN, and design security strategies that put protecting people first. Crisis Group has worked on Colombia’s conflicts since 2002, publishing over 40 reports and briefings and meeting hundreds of times with all parties in support of inclusive peace efforts. We monitor the FARC deal’s progress and carry out field research on issues ranging from new patterns of armed conflict to Colombia’s relations with its troubled neighbour, Venezuela.
The Gaitanistas, Colombia’s largest and richest armed and criminal group, remain outside the government’s initiative for dialogue with all the country’s armed organisations. To avoid jeopardising other peace processes and to protect civilians, Bogotá should seek gradual talks with the Gaitanistas, while maintaining security pressure.
FARC dissident group known as EMC fractured, plunging negotiations with govt into uncertainty and raising risk of stepped-up hostilities; civilians continued to bear brunt of worsening conflict.
FARC dissident group splintered. Peace efforts with dissident Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) faction known as EMC were thrown into disarray early April when over half the group’s regional factions withdrew from talks. Internal frictions had surfaced in March after govt partially cancelled bilateral ceasefire with group in three departments along Pacific Coast; many fighters, including leader Iván Mordisco, agreed ceasefire needed to be national for talks to continue, but group’s second-in-command 5 April returned to negotiating table alongside representatives from Caquetá, Catatumbo and Magdelena Medio regions. Govt’s lead negotiator Camilo Gonzalez 16 April said military would resume operations against all blocs outside talks, including most economically powerful and belligerent blocs from Pacific Coast and southern Amazon region; EMC’s split likely to have unanticipated impacts on civilians caught in crossfire between military and EMC, and between rival dissident factions.
Talks with National Liberation Army (ELN) remained stalled. ELN negotiators 6 April said talks with govt were “frozen”, citing disagreements over latter’s decision to open regional peace dialogue in Nariño department with group’s local front, Comuneros del Sur. ELN central command argues all political dialogue must take place on national level, though Commander of Comuneros del Sur 27 April said many within ELN do not feel represented by national leadership in talks. Following emergency meeting in Venezuelan capital Caracas beginning 13 April, govt’s lead negotiator Vera Grabe 22 April confirmed new round of talks would take place 20-25 May. Meanwhile, govt continued with plans to open Nariño dialogue.
Violence continued at high levels. Notably, ongoing clashes between ELN and EMC’s Fronts 28 and 10 in Arauca department (east) forcibly confined dozens of families. Humanitarian organisations early April reported mass displacements around Argelia municipality (Cauca department) and Telembi Triangle area (Nariño) due to fighting between EMC and rival armed groups. New FARC dissident faction known as Frente 57 extended an ongoing incursion into Toribío town (Cauca) and nearby indigenous reserves in apparent challenge to EMC control.
The trend of violence against ex-combatants [in Colombia] is a strong deterrent to disarmament.
Violence in Colombia has long come from combats between illegal groups, and from the pressure they exert on civilians.
State presence [in Panama] overly focuses on border control and does not prioritise the protection of migrants.
The ELN [in Colombia] has made very clear they have no intention of ceasing their economic activities which includes kidnapping.
By the time the Colombian state signed a peace accord with the former FARC rebels [in 2016], kidnapping nearly disappeared … But in recent years that trend has reversed.
None of the armed groups [in Colombia] will give up anything significant unless they are under military pressure.
In this video, Crisis Group's Senior Analyst for Colombia Elizabeth Dickinson talks with communities living in areas with a strong presence of the Gaitanista Self-Defence Force.
Organised crime has infiltrated the Amazon basin, seeking land for growing coca, rivers for drug trafficking and veins of gold underground. These groups are endangering the rainforest and the safety of those attempting to defend it. It is imperative that regional governments take protective measures.
In this video, personal narratives from migrants, smugglers, and locals shed light on the perilous journey through the Darién Gap, a treacherous migration route between Central and South America marked by criminal control.
Migrants from far and wide are trekking northward through the Darién Gap, a dense jungle where they face dangers including criminal predation. Steps to improve law enforcement, ease crises in countries of origin and provide more humanitarian aid would push policy in the right direction.
Despite peace talks between the government and armed groups, levels of violence in Colombia remain high. In this excerpt from the Watch List 2023 – Autumn Update, Crisis Group outlines how the EU can promote negotiations and encourage inclusiveness therein.
The Darién – a patch of dense jungle on the strip of land connecting Colombia and Panama – is one of the most treacherous routes in the Americas. In this multimedia commentary, Bram Ebus follows the journey of Yeimy, a Venezuelan migrant, and her sons.
El evento explora los principios de la "paz total" y explica el papel de la comunidad internacional para ayudar a Colombia a abordar la violencia que afecta a la sociedad.
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