Briefing / Europe & Central Asia 2 minutes

吉尔吉斯斯坦:发展态势尚未明朗

吉尔吉斯斯坦相对的稳定掩盖了其在中亚脆弱的邻国关系、不断恶化的民族紧张局势、宗教极端化以及政治上的挫败感。在吉尔吉斯斯坦10月4日议会选举即将到来之际,俄罗斯、西方和中国在此处的共同利益则为它们创造了一个独特的机会,即,为了吉尔吉斯斯坦选举期间及其之后的民主发展而合作。

概述

吉尔吉斯斯坦是中亚名义上仅有的议会民主制国家,且其在国内外都正面临着不断加剧的安全挑战。根固的民族矛盾、区域性宗教极端化、阿富汗前途未卜的局势、以及乌兹别克斯坦混乱的政权交替——这些情况都可能会严重影响到吉尔吉斯斯坦的稳定。令风险倍增的是,其领导层尚未能解决重大经济和政治问题——包括腐败和极端吉尔吉斯民族主义。极度贫困、社会服务水平下降,且其经济依赖于劳务移民的汇款。并且而鲜少有人对10月4日举行的议会选举抱有预期——由此组建一个改革性的政府。若吉尔吉斯斯坦发生——威胁国家存亡的——暴力剧变,动乱或将蔓延至区域内的邻国,而这些国家也都各自有着严重国内问题。包括欧盟(EU)和美国、以及俄罗斯和中国在内的国际社会应更广泛地意识这一危险,并积极敦促吉尔吉斯斯坦政府解决其迫在眉睫的国内问题。

自从其总统库尔曼别克·巴基耶夫(Kurmanbek Bakiyev)于2010年迫于激烈抗议下台后,包括现任总统阿尔马兹别克·阿坦巴耶夫(Almazbek Atambayev)在内的继任者均未能展现出明确的经济方向或强有利的领导。吉尔吉斯斯坦与西方国家的关系持续恶化。吉尔吉斯斯坦在政治和经济上对俄罗斯的依赖度越来越大,并于2015年8月成为——由俄罗斯主导的——欧亚经济联盟(Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union)的正式成员。在南方地区,自五年前奥什发生了由种族动机造成的死亡冲突后,其人口数量最多的两个民族——吉尔吉斯族和乌兹别克族——任然互相敌视,并迫使政府极力镇压。且其与乌兹别克斯坦和塔吉克斯坦的边境冲突亦并不少见。由奥什种族仇杀后出现的吉尔吉斯民族主义今已根深蒂固,并得到了国内不同组织的支持。一些地区所存在宗教极端化和党同伐异的行径——有时还被视为吉尔吉斯斯坦的传统价值观,而这也是当局面对的一个挑战。吉尔吉斯斯坦各政党并未对这些趋势做出应对,反倒是在容纳它们。

吉尔吉斯斯坦的10月选举是在——民众对处在半瘫痪的议会制度愈发失望的——不利背景下进行的。政府现首要任务应是缓和民族主义、促进政治包容性、切实改革,并管理预期。政府应首先制定政策来保护并促进国家的多民族、多教派的性质,抑制无秩序的民族主义,解决腐败问题。如果不如此,国家和社会的分裂将持续深化。这些分裂是巴基耶夫时代的遗产和2010事件恶果所致。国际社会——无论是通过双边还是多边组织,如欧盟、联合国、以及成员国包括俄罗斯在内的欧洲安全合作组织(OSCE)——都应为该国提供高层、持续的参与和专业指导,并同时推进改革,以此支持吉尔吉斯斯坦就要使其议会民主制度有效所做的声明。

比什凯克/布鲁塞尔,2015年9月30日

I. Overview

Kyrgyzstan, Central Asia’s only even nominal parliamentary democracy, faces growing internal and external security challenges. Deep ethnic tensions, increased radicalisation in the region, uncertainty in Afghanistan and the possibility of a chaotic political succession in Uzbekistan are all likely to have serious repercussions for its stability. The risks are exacerbated by leadership failure to address major economic and political problems, including corruption and excessive Kyrgyz nationalism. Poverty is high, social services are in decline, and the economy depends on remittances from labour migrants. Few expect the 4 October parliamentary elections to deliver a reformist government. If the violent upheavals to which the state is vulnerable come to pass, instability could spread to regional neighbours, each of which has its own serious internal problems. The broader international community – not just the European Union (EU) and the U.S., but also Russia and China, should recognise the danger and proactively press the government to address the country’s domestic issues with a sense of urgency.

Since violent protests forced the 2010 ouster of President Kurmanbek Bakiyev, successors, including current President Almazbek Atambayev, have provided little economic direction or strong leadership. Relations with the West have soured. The country is increasingly dependent, politically and economically, on Russia, becoming a full-fledged member of the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union in August 2015. The government struggles to control the south, where tensions between Kyrgyz and Uzbeks, the largest minority, have not dissipated since ethnically motivated deadly violence in Osh five years ago. Border skirmishes with Uzbekistan and Tajikistan are not uncommon. The Kyrgyz nationalist narrative that emerged after the Osh pogroms is now firmly entrenched and facilitated by a variety of groups across the country. Pockets of religious radicalisation and intolerance, sometimes presented as traditional Kyrgyz values, are also a challenge. Instead of confronting these trends, political parties are incorporating them.

The October elections occur against a backdrop of growing disillusionment with the only semi-functional parliamentary system. Priority tasks for the government should be to temper nationalism, promote political inclusion and genuine reform and manage expectations. It must first develop policies to protect and promote the state’s multi-ethnic, multi-denominational nature, rein in unchecked nationalism and tackle corruption. Failure to do so would deepen fault lines in a state and society fractured by the Bakiyev-era legacy and 2010 events. The international community, bilaterally and multilaterally through organisation such as the EU, UN and Organisation for Security Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) of which Russia is a member, should offer high-level, consistent engagement and expertise, while pressing for reform to support Kyrgyzstan’s stated aim of making parliamentary democracy work.

Bishkek/Brussels, 30 September 2015

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