In recent years, an Islamic State branch has deepened its influence in rural Tillabery, near Niger’s border with Mali. Women there have long navigated difficult conditions, but the jihadists have made things worse. Niamey and partners should undertake initiatives to help women overcome these challenges.
Relations with Benin warmed, while govt continued diplomatic realignment; jihadist insecurity persisted in south.
Beninese-Nigerien ties slowly improved. Despite positive bilateral visits in July, President Gen. Tiani 3 Aug reiterated claims Beninese govt was hosting French “subversive elements” working to destabilise govt, said restoring relations would depend on assurances Benin posed no security threat. Steady de-escalation, however, continued despite rhetoric, with Nigerien authorities 6 Aug accepting credentials presented by new Beninese ambassador. In another sign of warming ties, Benin 16 Aug authorised resumption of trade transporting Nigerien crude oil through its Sémé port; land border, however, remained closed.
Diplomatic realignment continued. Govt 6 Aug cut diplomatic ties with Ukraine over its supposed support to armed groups involved in fighting in Mali (see Mali); military authorities said move was in “solidarity” with Bamako, who cut ties with Kyiv two days prior. Ukraine 8 Aug said decision was “regrettable” and accusations “groundless and untrue”. Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger – who make up regional body Alliance of Sahel States – 19 Aug sent joint letter to UN Security Council condemning Ukraine’s “open and assumed support for international terrorism” and calling on body to “take appropriate measures”. In sign of rapprochement after months of heightened tensions, defence chief 28 Aug hosted Nigerian counterpart in capital Niamey. Meanwhile, U.S. military 5 Aug completed withdrawal from Agadez drone base, month earlier than Sept deadline, while last German troops 30 Aug left country; Washington left door open to future non-military cooperation, but withdrawals and tensions with Kyiv highlighted Niamey’s shift away from Western partners and toward Moscow.
Jihadist violence persisted in Diffa and Tillabery regions. In Tillabery (south west), al-Qaeda-affiliated Group for the Support of Islam and Muslims 2 Aug claimed to have taken hostage two Russian citizens working for Russian company in Mbanga area – rich with gold mines – at unspecified date; militants likely from the Islamic State Sahel Province 13 Aug attacked several villages in Ayorou district, leaving 23 civilians dead. In Diffa (south east), suspected Islamic State West Africa Province fighters 14 Aug attacked military escort on road between Mainé-Soroa and Diffa town, killing four civilians and wounding several soldiers and civilians.
Western powers have enjoyed quite a bit of leeway in how they influenced and meddled in local affairs [in Niger].
[The coup in Niger marks] the beginning of the end of a sequence of French troops withdrawing from the central Sahel.
If an ECOWAS invasion [of Niger] happened, and there was a regional war, I think that would really put the [U.S.] Defense Department in a tricky position.
The sanctions imposed on Niger by the Economic Community of West African States after its July coup are hurting civilians more than anyone else. Led by Nigeria, the bloc should revise these measures to narrowly target the generals responsible for disrupting democracy.
West Africa has witnessed yet another coup, this time in Niger. In this excerpt from the Watch List 2023 – Autumn Update, Crisis Group encourages the EU and its member states to support regional efforts to de-escalate tensions with the Nigerien junta.
Why the U.S. government will find no easy answers in the Sahel's coup belt
On 26 July, high-ranking Nigerien officers announced on national television that they had overthrown President Mohamed Bazoum, who was democratically elected in 2021. In this Q&A, Crisis Group analysts lay out the reasons for the coup as well as the stakes going forward.
In this interview, Jean-Hervé Jezequel, Crisis Group’s Project Director for the Sahel, reflects on the ongoing crisis in the Sahel region, the struggle against expanding jihadist groups, and compares the approaches of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger.
Insurgents have established bases in an important nature reserve spanning parts of Benin, Burkina Faso and Niger. They pose a growing danger to local ecosystems and people living around the park. The three countries need to collaborate more closely to keep the threat at bay.
A spate of mass killings in Niger’s Tillabery region has raised the spectre of broader civil strife. Most worrying is the ethnic dimension to the crimes. Authorities should move quickly to prioritize civilian protection lest vigilantes take matters into their own hands.
In south-western Niger, organised banditry could reinforce mistrust between ethnic groups and foster insurgencies that jihadists could exploit. The Nigerien authorities should take action to remedy the injustices experienced by communities living off livestock, initiate intercommunal dialogues and better supervise fledgling self-defence groups.
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