Sudan is undergoing a major transition following the 11 April ouster of Omar al-Bashir, one of Africa’s longest-ruling leaders. The strongman’s toppling, prompted by a sustained, peaceful campaign by a diverse and well-organised protest movement, raised hopes that the country might make a transition to more inclusive, civilian-led rule. That transition has been halting and is fraught with risk, with the old military regime showing little appetite for real change. Sudan matters not least because it sits in one of the most geostrategic locations on the continent, straddling the Horn and North Africa, with a long Red Sea coastline, and serving as a historical bridge between North and sub-Saharan Africa. Through field research and advocacy with Sudanese and international actors in the region, we aim to reduce the likelihood of conflict inside Sudan and encourage a genuine transition to more inclusive governance by Khartoum and an attendant shift toward positively engaged regional and international relations.
While Sudan has embarked on a path toward democratic and accountable government, economic fragility threatens to derail its transition. The Friends of Sudan should bolster the civilian-led administration with urgently-needed financial support and call for an African Union envoy to help keep the transition on track.
PM Hamdok survived apparent assassination attempt, prompting govt to take additional steps to dismantle former regime, while violence flared up in Darfur in west. PM Hamdok 9 March survived unharmed car bomb attack against his convoy in capital Khartoum. Group calling itself Sudanese Islamic Youth Movement same day claimed responsibility but observers cast doubt on statement’s authenticity; govt 11 March said it had arrested Sudanese and foreign suspects. Govt 10 March said it would bring parts of former National Intelligence and Security Services, now General Intelligence Services, under interior ministry’s authority and grant additional powers to committee tasked with removing from power remnants of former President Bashir’s regime. Prosecutor 17 March issued arrest warrant for five people, including former FM Ali Karti, for their alleged role in 1989 coup. Following setback in negotiations between Ethiopia, Sudan, and Egypt over filling and operation of Ethiopia’s Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam on Blue Nile River in Feb, govt 4 March refused to endorse Egypt-sponsored Arab League resolution critical of Ethiopia, 8 March urged Egypt and Ethiopia to resume talks, and 15 March offered to mediate dispute. In talks in South Sudanese capital Juba, govt and rebel coalition Sudanese Revolutionary Front (SRF) failed to meet self-imposed 7 March deadline to reach comprehensive peace deal, agreed to extend talks until 9 April. Govt and Darfuri SRF groups 18 March entered negotiations over security arrangements; South Sudanese mediators 25 March postponed talks until 1 April after Sudanese defence minister Jamal Omer died of heart attack. Criminal and ethnic violence flared up in Darfur early March, reportedly leaving over 22 people dead; notably, clashes between herders and unidentified gunmen 3 March left five dead near Nertiti village, Central Darfur and herders 9 March killed twelve in Dewana village, South Darfur. Amid COVID-19 pandemic, govt 16 March closed all borders, 24 March imposed night curfew. Holdout armed opposition faction Sudan Liberation Movement, led by Abdel Wahid al-Nur, 30 March accepted UN Sec-Gen Guterres’s call for worldwide ceasefire in response to COVID-19.
Sudan’s post-Bashir transition holds the promise of civilian rule but also perils, among them renewed insurgency, economic stagnation and backsliding into autocracy. Outside powers should press the military to adhere to its power-sharing pact with the opposition. Authorities in Khartoum should pursue peace with rebels.
The UN General Assembly kicks off on 17 September amid general scepticism about the world body’s effectiveness in an era of rising great-power competition. But the UN is far from paralysed. Here are seven crisis spots where it can make a positive difference for peace.
Ethiopia is building a mighty dam on the Blue Nile, promising economic benefits for both itself and Sudan. But Egypt fears for its freshwater supply. The parties should agree on how fast to fill the dam’s reservoir and how to share river waters going forward.
Popular protests are rumbling across Sudan, shaking President Omar al-Bashir’s 30-year grip on power. The authorities have cracked down hard and, as the demonstrations intensify, they may ratchet up the repression. External powers should urge restraint and offer Bashir a way to the exit.
By 12 October, Washington will decide whether the steps Sudan has taken qualify it for lifting some U.S. sanctions. But to push forward afterwards will require a new roadmap that ties further sanctions relief and improved bilateral relations to political reform and human rights.
China, traditionally averse to intervening abroad, is testing the role of peacebuilder in South Sudan, where it has unique leverage. This could portend a growing global security role, but further Chinese engagement will likely be tempered by self-interest, capacity constraints and aversion to risk.
The transitional government and the international community [in Sudan] must move quickly to avert an economic collapse and accompanying disintegration of the transitional dispensation.
The attack [in Sudan] may have the effect of increasing the solidarity between the civilian and military components of the transition.
Overt Israeli endorsement of a [sanctions] lift for Sudan will provide a key push to the U.S. government.
An underappreciated dynamic [in Sudan] is the split between the military, who traditionally have a Muslim Brotherhood background, and Islamists themselves.
This is a case where the UN should aim to be ‘best supporting actor’ rather than the star, bringing economic expertise to back up the AU’s work on Sudan’s transition.
All roads forward in Sudan now run into the Hemeti problem. Over time, his power will need to be reined in, yet any action against him at the moment risks civil war.
Murithi Mutiga, Crisis Group's Project Director for the Horn of Africa, reflects on the Sudanese revolution and on the challenges lying ahead for the new civilian-led administration in Khartoum.
Following the ouster of Sudan’s strongman Omar al-Bashir, sustained pressure yielded a power-sharing agreement between the military and opposition alliance. But the settlement is fragile and the economy is in deep distress. In this excerpt from our Watch List 2019 - Third Update for European policymakers, Crisis Group urges the EU to support the civilian cabinet during the country’s delicate transition.
Watch List Updates complement International Crisis Group’s annual Watch List, most recently published in January 2019. These early-warning publications identify major conflict situations in which prompt action, driven or supported by the European Union and its member states, would generate stronger prospects for peace. The third update to the Watch List 2019 includes entries on Afghanistan, Nicaragua, Sudan and Yemen.
Sudan’s military junta and opposition have agreed to form a civilian-led administration to steer a transition toward free and fair elections. But the generals signed only under pressure. All Sudanese – and outside partners – will need to remain vigilant lest they try to restore autocracy.
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