Two years on, the Burundi crisis shows little sign of resolution. Political and ethnic polarisation are now tearing apart the integrity of the army, long seen as the primary achievement of the Arusha peace agreement in 2000 which brought an end to protracted civil conflict.
EU early June said it had deposited in commercial banks funds for one year’s salary arrears for Burundian troops in African Union peacekeeping mission in Somalia (AMISOM) on condition govt would not take 20% as it had previously; some soldiers claimed to have received only five months’ arrears. UN-appointed Commission of Inquiry on Burundi made second oral briefing to UN Human Rights Council 15 June pointing to persistent violations including extrajudicial executions, torture, sexual and gender-based violence, arbitrary arrests and detention and enforced disappearances by intelligence agency and police, sometimes assisted by ruling party’s Imbonerakure youth militia. Armed attacks in capital Bujumbura rose slightly. Violence included: grenade attack in Musaga district 14 June, killed two people; police 15 June shot dead suspected thief, unidentified gunmen killed civilian same day.
To reverse Burundi’s slide toward a devastating social and humanitarian emergency – as ethnically-charged rhetoric worsens and refugees flee to neighbouring countries – the African Union needs to overcome its internal divisions, fix a so far incoherent response and facilitate a negotiated settlement between the government and the opposition.
The current political crisis has reopened the wounds of Burundi’s past. Hardliners now dominant in the government brutally stifle dissent, fuel ethnic hatred, and undermine the Arusha accord that framed Burundi’s peace for the past decade. The international community should push toward real dialogue, and prepare to intervene if violence escalates.
All is in place for a violent confrontation in Burundi. The failed coup on 13 May has intensified opposition to President Pierre Nkurunziza’s push for a third term in office. After ten years of peace, Burundi is in danger of reopening the fault lines that once led the country into civil war.
The ever-decreasing likelihood of a free and fair presidential election is in growing conflict with a popular desire for change in Burundi. To safeguard the Arusha principles agreed in 2000 to end Burundi’s civil war, the opposition and President Nkurunziza in particular must return to the path of democracy and dialogue.
To avoid a revival of past ethnic tensions between Hutu and Tutsi, Burundi needs to find the right balance between land restitution and national reconciliation.
Mobile phones and social media maintain a link between many of Burundi’s constituent parts that appear steadily more remote and disconnected: the diaspora and the refugee camps, capital city and rural areas, Burundi and the rest of the world.
The only thing that's important now, the only card to play at the moment, is to try and convince the neighbouring countries to put pressure on Burundi [to end the escalating violence].
Le discours de Bujumbura est un piège qui se referme sur lui.
C’est toujours la même rhétorique que le régime utilise comme réponse quand il est mis en cause à Genève, New York ou Addis-Abeba
Le régime burundais est en grande difficulté. Et le problème des gouvernements qui arrivent à bout d’arguments, c’est que ça mène à de plus en plus de violence.
Le 5 avril dernier, l’International Crisis Group sortait un rapport sur les tensions et dissensions qui s’observent au sein de la Force de Défense Nationale (FDN) depuis le début de la crise née de la volonté de Pierre Nkurunziza de se représenter pour un troisième mandat en avril 2015. Le rapport fait le contour des problèmes qui minent l’institution militaire. Thierry Vircoulon, un des auteurs du rapport, a répondu aux questions de Yaga.
Originally published in Yaga Burundi
Africa is experiencing the highest number of humanitarian crises since the 1990s. As the new chair of the African Union Commission, Moussa Faki Mahamat, takes office, International Crisis Group suggests how he can strengthen the organisation’s response to threats to continental peace and security.
Burundi’s 327,000 refugees are not mere victims but also active citizens, many remaining actively engaged in the country’s problems.
Originally published in African Arguments
Si certains réfugiés burundais se sont résolus à la vie en exil, rares sont ceux qui ont laissé derrière eux la crise qui frappe leur pays. Dans cet article, le dernier d’une série de trois, des réfugiés burundais tentent d’envisager l’avenir, entre abattement et désir de reconquérir la « liberté » et une place dans leur société.
Plus de 300 000 Burundais ont fui leur pays depuis avril 2015 pour échapper à la répression du régime de Pierre Nkurunziza. Dans cet article, le premier d’une série de trois, des réfugiés burundais partagent leur histoire douloureuse et tentent ainsi de tirer la sonnette d’alarme sur la violence dans leur pays d'origine.
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