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Violence jihadiste en Tunisie : l’urgence d’une stratégie nationale
Violence jihadiste en Tunisie : l’urgence d’une stratégie nationale
Understanding the New U.S. Terrorism Designations in Africa
Understanding the New U.S. Terrorism Designations in Africa

Violence jihadiste en Tunisie : l’urgence d’une stratégie nationale

Face à une menace jihadiste croissante, les autorités tunisiennes doivent impérativement achever, publier et mettre en œuvre une stratégie antiterroriste faisant de la prévention une priorité, s’attaquant aux causes de la violence jihadiste, et améliorant sensiblement les capacités des forces de l’ordre. Pour y parvenir, il est essentiel de renforcer la coordination entre les institutions publiques, de nommer un haut-commissaire chargé de la lutte antiterroriste, doté du statut de ministre, et d’organiser des consultations publiques pour bâtir un large consensus.

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Synthèse

Confrontées à une menace jihadiste émanant tant du territoire national que de celui de la Libye voisine, les autorités tunisiennes doivent impérativement publier et mettre en œuvre une stratégie antiterroriste fondée sur une approche multidimensionnelle, faisant de la prévention une priorité, et prévoyant un dispositif de consultation. Ceci permettrait d’apporter une réponse coordonnée à ce phénomène et de bâtir un consensus plus large. La priorité est de surmonter les blocages, en grande partie institutionnels et administratifs, qui ont retardé le lancement d’une telle stratégie depuis la promulgation de la nouvelle Constitution en janvier 2014. Publier et mettre en œuvre une stratégie de lutte contre la menace jihadiste, susceptible de déstabiliser le pays et de le pousser vers la tentation autoritaire, requiert une meilleure gouvernance publique. Sinon, la radicalisation des franges les plus vulnérables de la population risquerait de se poursuivre, ce qui constitue l’un des objectifs premiers des groupes jihadistes.

Depuis le soulèvement de 2010-2011 contre le régime de Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali, la violence jihadiste en Tunisie s’est accrue et diversifiée. Bien que déterminées à s’attaquer à ce défi sécuritaire, les autorités n’ont pas encore mis en œuvre de stratégie multidimensionnelle permettant d’agir sur les causes de cette violence (prévention) et d’améliorer sensiblement les capacités des forces de l’ordre (anticipation, coordination, réaction, adaptation). La publication d’une stratégie nationale clarifierait les besoins et priorités publiques dans le cadre de cette lutte et permettrait d’ouvrir un débat public afin de gagner le soutien le plus large possible de la population, et de prévenir les protestations lors de son application. Elle renforcerait aussi la collaboration sécuritaire de la Tunisie avec ses partenaires régionaux et internationaux, qui sont soucieux de pouvoir apporter un soutien financier et technique s’intégrant dans une vision stratégique claire.

Les orientations stratégiques dans ce domaine sont plutôt consensuelles sur le plan politique, malgré des divergences sur le niveau de contrôle des lieux de diffusion de la pensée religieuse et l’équilibre entre prévention et répression. Le problème principal a trait à la publication et à la concrétisation d’une stratégie dont les composantes opérationnelles seraient en mesure d’évoluer pour gagner en efficacité. En effet, le contexte est défavorable. Les défis sécuritaires sont urgents et encouragent les mesures répressives. Les deux têtes de l’exécutif sont mal coordonnées. Les blocages administratifs intra et interministériels sont nombreux, et les commissions ad hoc dédiées à la lutte antiterroriste sont peu fonctionnelles, et risquent de compliquer la prise de décision.

Deux documents stratégiques ont été élaborés en 2014 et 2015, mais jamais publiés. Il s’agit aujourd’hui de s’en inspirer pour rédiger et diffuser un texte reposant notamment sur une bonne compréhension des groupes jihadistes. Afin de donner toutes ses chances à sa mise en œuvre, il est essentiel, en amont, de renforcer la coordination entre les institutions publiques, et, en aval, de créer un mécanisme permettant de l’évaluer et de l’améliorer au regard de son impact sur le terrain.

La nouvelle Commission nationale de lutte contre le terrorisme, constituée le 22 mars 2016 et regroupant des représentants de nombreux départements administratifs, serait en mesure de produire un document de ce type, de concert avec les ministères concernés. Elle pourrait aussi mettre sur pied un dispositif de consultation impliquant un large éventail de forces politiques et associatives.

Dans un premier temps, pour donner un nouvel élan à l’achèvement et à la diffusion du cadre stratégique, le président de la République et le chef du gouvernement devraient définir de manière consensuelle leurs rôles respectifs dans le domaine sécuritaire. Dans un second temps, le chef du gouvernement devrait renforcer ses mécanismes de coordination interministérielle, tout particulièrement la Commission nationale de lutte contre le terrorisme et la Cellule de suivi de la gestion sécuritaire, et créer un poste de haut-commissaire chargé de la lutte antiterroriste, doté du statut de ministre auprès de la présidence du gouvernement. Ce dernier devrait améliorer la coordination entre les deux têtes de l’exécutif, les ministères, les services et directions ministérielles (sécuritaires et non sécuritaires), et les diverses commissions administratives ad hoc chargées de la lutte antiterroriste. Il devrait pouvoir épauler le travail plus analytique du président de la Commission nationale de lutte contre le terrorisme (à savoir la mise au point de la stratégie) tout en dynamisant la gouvernance publique.

Afin d’achever la rédaction et la mise en place effective d’un cadre stratégique multidimensionnel, insistant sur le volet préventif et reposant sur une bonne compréhension des groupes jihadistes :

  • La Commission nationale de lutte contre le terrorisme devrait s’inspirer des deux textes stratégiques existants pour rédiger un nouveau document en s’assurant que l’ensemble des ministères participe activement à sa conception.
     
  • Cette commission devrait présenter une version publique de ce nouveau texte et mettre en place un dispositif d’évaluation participative pour consulter un large éventail de formations politiques, représentants associatifs de différents secteurs, sensibilités politiques et régions du pays, notamment ceux issus des régions frontalières confrontées à l’activisme des groupuscules armés. Leurs points de vue devraient être pris en compte afin de faire évoluer les aspects opérationnels de ce document en fonction des défis.
     
  • Le président de la République devrait aider à la mise en place des consultations publiques et prendre en charge les activités de communication nécessaires pour faire connaitre les grandes lignes directrices de la stratégie.

Afin de dynamiser les mécanismes de gouvernance publique et d’améliorer la coordination institutionnelle pour permettre l’application de cette stratégie :

  • Le président de la République et le chef du gouvernement devraient définir leurs rôles respectifs dans le domaine sécuritaire de manière consensuelle sans qu’il soit nécessaire de réviser la Constitution.
     
  • Le chef du gouvernement devrait renforcer ses mécanismes de coordination interministérielle, à savoir la Commission nationale de lutte contre le terrorisme et la Cellule de suivi de la gestion sécuritaire, afin de dépasser les résistances bureaucratiques et clientélistes qui affaiblissent la chaîne de commandement au sein de chaque ministère, notamment du ministère de l’Intérieur.
     
  • Le chef du gouvernement devrait nommer un haut-commissaire chargé de la lutte antiterroriste, doté du statut de ministre, indépendant politiquement, spécialiste juridique et possédant une expérience en gestion sécuritaire. Celui-ci serait en mesure d’épauler la Commission nationale de lutte contre le terrorisme et d’améliorer la coordination entre le président de la République et le chef du gouvernement, ainsi qu’entre les différents ministères et autres structures bureaucratiques ad hoc (sécuritaires et non sécuritaires) compétentes dans le domaine antiterroriste.

Tunis/Bruxelles, 22 juin 2016

An Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC) soldier takes part in a foot patrol following an alleged ADF attack in the village of Manzalaho near Beni, 18 February 2020. AFP/ Alexis Huguet
Q&A / Africa

Understanding the New U.S. Terrorism Designations in Africa

The U.S. has designated two armed groups in the DRC and in Mozambique as terrorist organisations, claiming they are affiliated with the Islamic State, and creating potential legal peril for peacemakers who may deal with them. Crisis Group analyses the implications.

Which armed groups did the U.S. designate under its terrorism authorities and what is their backstory?

Last week the U.S Department of State designated two armed groups in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Mozambique, as well as their leaders. U.S. officials allege that these two groups – the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) in the DRC, and Ahlu Sunna Wal Jammah (ASWJ) in Mozambique – have become Islamic State (ISIS) franchises. It refers to them as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria – Democratic Republic of the Congo (ISIS-DRC) and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria – Mozambique (ISIS-Mozambique). ASWJ is also known locally as Al-Shabaab, although it is distinct from its Somali namesake.

The U.S. designations come amid expressions of increasing alarm in Washington that despite the end of ISIS’s physical caliphate in the Levant, the group could be gaining influence elsewhere, especially in Africa. Already, local groups in Nigeria and the Sahel fight under ISIS’s banner. Since 2019, ISIS has stated that its “Central Africa Province” includes parts of the DRC and Mozambique, where it says it has developed alliances with local armed groups, including the ADF and ASWJ.

The ADF and ASWJ are groups whose violence has historically been first and foremost driven by local dynamics and grievances. They recruit mainly local fighters.

Although it emerged in the 1990s as an Islamist movement fighting the Ugandan state, the ADF has since the 2000s mostly been active in the northern part of the DRC’s North Kivu province, where it has recruited Congolese fighters, including by force, and entrenched itself by manipulating disputes among local chiefs and communities in areas under its control. Having developed tactical alliances with both senior army officers and armed groups fighting security forces, it both fuels and feeds off an internecine and murky conflict on the ground.

In Mozambique, ASWJ formed when frustrated youth, including local petty traders and poor fishermen, began building their own mosques and prayer houses in Cabo Delgado province and challenging established religious leaders they saw as too close to state authorities. As the police clamped down, they eventually took up arms, launching their first attack in 2017. Some former ruby miners, expelled from mining concessions earlier that year, also joined the fight, according to Crisis Group’s research.

There is some evidence of prior contacts between the two designated groups. Local observers and officials in the DRC and Mozambique say that there are some known cases of Mozambicans, including some of the leaders of ASWJ, travelling to the DRC for training, but these movements are believed to have ended years ago. The U.S. Department of State says the two groups are “distinct”.

Women wait in line during a World Food Program distribution at a school in Matuge district in northern Mozambique, 24 February 2021. AFP/Alfredo Zuniga

How dangerous are the ADF and ASWJ?

Both the ADF and ASWJ have grown more dangerous over the years, becoming increasingly bold in their attacks against security forces while inflicting terrible violence against civilians.

The ADF, long dormant in the DRC, first began resurfacing again in 2014, mainly committing atrocities against civilians in gruesome machete attacks. From 2017, the group then began turning its attention increasingly against government security forces and UN peacekeepers. Its operations became more sophisticated and used greater firepower. According to a December 2020 report by UN investigators in the DRC, the ADF has over time also become better at building improvised explosive devices, although it has nothing like the ISIS core’s expertise.

Recent Congolese military operations between late 2019 and October 2020 have killed hundreds of fighters belonging to the ADF, which Crisis Group’s research indicates is now split into competing factions. Some elements have moved east to the foothills of the Rwenzori mountains bordering Uganda, and some north into neighbouring Ituri province, where they have been involved in reported killings.

In Mozambique, ASWJ has become significantly more dangerous and sophisticated since it first started up in 2017. In the early stages of the insurgency, attackers grouped in small packs of a few fighters to attack remote police outposts or villages, often brandishing blunt weapons. But by early 2020, the insurgents had taken significant stockpiles of weapons from government security forces and were able to mount attacks on district capitals, including the port of Mocimboa da Praia. Government forces fled the city in August and have yet to retake it. Violence against civilians also escalated over the past year, as the insurgency swept south towards the provincial capital Pemba, with numerous credible reports of atrocities committed by ASWJ fighters.

In recent months, security forces working with foreign military contractors from South Africa have caused the group some setbacks, destroying some of their camps and storage facilities in the bush. Nevertheless, insurgents continue to regroup and mount guerrilla attacks on security forces, while also plundering villages for food.

Are countries in the region concerned about these groups?

Yes, although for the time being the DRC’s and Mozambique’s neighbours in the Great Lakes region and Southern Africa are less concerned about the groups’ possible territorial ambitions than the threat they might pose to public spaces in their capitals and other locations. Some worry that they will face the kind of attacks that Kenya has seen in recent years in Nairobi, or that Uganda saw in Kampala in 2010. Somalia’s Al-Shabaab jihadist group has claimed responsibility for the Nairobi and Kampala attacks, although some Ugandan security sources believe the latter was carried out with assistance from ADF operatives. South Africa also shows signs of being worried about militant groups, including those from the Great Lakes region and Mozambique, using its territory as a base or safe haven, and about possible links between home-grown militants in South Africa and those in the DRC and Mozambique.

What is the Islamic State’s relationship with the two groups?

Crisis Group has shown in the past how ISIS was able to strengthen and shape the tactics of the Boko Haram faction that became the Islamic State in West Africa Province (ISWAP) by deploying a limited amount of resources, training and instruction, although any influence ISIS possessed did not transform the movement’s overwhelmingly local aspirations. There is little to suggest that ISIS has gained anything like that level of sway over either the ADF or ASWJ, much less the ability to exert command and control over them.   

A recent study on the ADF by George Washington University, which some U.S. officials privately endorse, provides evidence that ISIS has given financial assistance to the DRC group, and that there have been communications between the two organisations. Specifically, the report details financial transactions between Waleed Ahmed Zein, an ISIS financial operative who was sanctioned by the U.S. Department of Treasury in September 2018, and his alleged ADF contacts. It additionally details cases where ISIS disseminated propaganda about ADF attacks and presents ISIS-published photos of ADF leader Seka Musa Baluku, who according to the study has pledged allegiance to the global ISIS leadership, preaching to his recruits.

The study also states, however, that it has found “no evidence of direct command and control orders” from ISIS to the ADF. The December 2020 UN report states that even if ISIS claimed 46 purported ADF attacks in 2020, compared to 29 in 2019, many of the claims inaccurately described the attacks’ locations and dates, leading the authors to conclude that ISIS had “limited knowledge and control” of these operations. In the meantime, sources close to the ADF say one ADF faction appears to have rejected ISIS and may even be turning against Baluku’s group.

Similarly, while there is evidence that ISIS has had some contact with jihadists in Mozambique, it is unclear how close or meaningful their ties are. In a report issued last year, UN investigators working on Somalia stated that Mohamed Ahmed “Qahiye”, a native of the semi-autonomous region of Puntland in northern Somalia and a member of an ISIS-linked Al-Shabaab splinter group, had travelled to Mozambique in early 2020. Regional security sources say he is a trainer and a bomb-maker. While ASWJ attacks did become more sophisticated in 2020, the group has yet to show evidence of explosive device capacities.

In addition, communication between the groups and some coordination in disseminating propaganda does not suggest especially close links. When ASWJ took control of the port of Mocimboa da Praia in August, ISIS did not broadcast this in its Al-Naba magazine for two weeks. Nor has it claimed any ASWJ attack as its own since October. U.S. officials say this is because the ISIS core’s media wing is under pressure that currently limits its output.

Are there foreign fighters in ASWJ?

Yes. The biggest cohort of foreigners fighting within the ranks of ASWJ, according to government officials, regional security sources and eyewitnesses interviewed by Crisis Group, are from Tanzania. Many of them appear to be acolytes of Aboud Rogo, a former Kenyan cleric who was linked to both al-Qaeda and Al-Shabaab in Somalia and who was assassinated in 2012. Abu Yasir Hassan, whom the U.S. has identified as ASWJ’s leader, is also Tanzanian.

What will be the effect of these designations and how might authorities in the DRC and Mozambique manage the fallout?

Among other things, the terrorism listings freeze all of the assets under U.S. jurisdiction that belong to the ADF and ASWJ or their designated leaders, and make it a U.S. criminal offense to knowingly provide material support to any of the designees.  

While the sanctions that flow from these designations in theory do not criminalise all contact with the two groups, they are extremely broad, and their implementation could create problems for both humanitarians and peacemakers. Humanitarian agencies may shrink from providing support to vulnerable populations in Mozambique and the DRC if they believe they might end up resourcing someone who could later be accused of being an ADF or ASWJ member. Government or UN officials who might want to put resources into the hands of insurgents or fighters in order to, for example, transport them to a forum for peace negotiations, could technically also fall foul of the material support restrictions that flow from the designations.

Nor is there much likelihood that the designations will lead to a quick dismantling of these armed groups, which manage much of their money in cash or via forms of money transfer that will require painstaking work to investigate and chase, and may put them beyond the reach of U.S. sanctions.

The U.S. designations meanwhile could unintentionally send a counterproductive signal to political actors in the region. Especially in the DRC and Mozambique, where these measures are not fully understood even by top policymakers, they could be used by hardliners to justify calls for addressing the challenge posed by the ADF and ASWJ through military action alone. Diplomats in the region also now wonder whether the official unveiling of a U.S. military training program for Mozambique right after the sanctions were announced will be the thin end of the wedge for more U.S. military engagement in the gas-rich country. So far, however, the Mozambican government has signalled very clearly it does not want any foreign boots touching the soil of Cabo Delgado. Military operations in the DRC and Mozambique have recently dented both groups, but tackling the threat they pose will require a broader approach, including efforts to appeal to the Congolese and Mozambican citizens who respectively make up the bulk of fighters in both groups.

Contributors

Deputy Director, Africa Program
DinoMahtani
Deputy Project Director, Central Africa
PMvandeWalle
Senior Consultant, Southern Africa
PiersPigou
Researcher, Horn of Africa
Meron_El